24 constrained from doing so by its view of the economic realities of Papua New Guinea as a
whole and its wider responsibilities as a leading employer there… The company’s official social policies have been suffused with the same principles of
ethnic equality—or indeed, pro-indigenous bias—as exemplified in its effort to promote ‘integrated’ messing, housing, and recreation, and in its stern sanctions i.e., immediate
dismissal against inter-ethnic brawling. …Unfortunately from the company’s standpoint, and despite its relatively enlightened
policies, several factors have intervened during its first few years of operations to create dissatisfaction and even hostility among some of its indigenous neighbours. Some of this ill-
will was brought on by ignorance on the part of company personnel or ineptness on the part of administration officials during the early stages of exploration and land resumption. Some
has been aroused by changes made from time to time in company plans and operations when at several stages in the exploration and testing the scope of the project has had to be
expanded. Still other frictions have been engendered by the mine’s mode of financing, by management’s need to commence revenue-earning production as rapidly as possible in order
to retire heavy-interest loans. And still others stem, probably inevitably, from the very nature of the enterprise and of its geographic and cultural setting: a privately owned and managed
profit-seeking business with large manpower and land requirements situated among a remote, and commercially underdeveloped and, by European standards, culturally archaic populace
Oliver 1973:159–160.
1.2.3 Influences behind and within the nationalism movement in the North Solomons Province
In the November 19, 1973 issue of Newsweek and the December 17, 1973 issue of Time, the threat of secession by Bougainville was linked to the emerging prospects of vast earnings from the copper mine on the
island. There is no doubt that benefits accruing from the operations placed Bougainville in a
more advantageous bargaining position vis-a-vis the central government, but the relationship between the company and Bougainville nationalism is a complex one. Also, a host of social
problems associated with the project, such as the influx of ‘outsiders’, and other social changes had encouraged nationalistic sentiments.
At the Siwai Combined Council Conference of July 1972, Father John Momis informed councillors of the work of Mungkas [which means “black” in the Terei language of Buin], an
association with which the PMA [Panguna Mungkas Association] is affiliated, founded by Bougainvillean tertiary students in Port Moresby. The students could sense the tempo of
political change in Bougainville and were anxious to participate in it, perhaps even direct it. They announced through their special adviser Momis, that they intended organizing a
seminar in Bougainville during the Christmas vacation. All councillors were invited to attend. The seminar was held in Kieta just before Christmas. Participants discussed the socio-
economic and political future of the Province and, when it was over, the organizers were confident that the meeting had at last established a link between the ‘educated’ and the
village elders.
On Christmas Eve, two Bougainvillean senior public servants—Dr. Luke Rovin, 32 and Peter Moini, 30—drove through a village in the Eastern Highlands and accidentally knocked
down and killed a six-year-old girl. They were seized and killed by a group of villagers who were present at the scene of the accident. The incident aroused the anger of Bougainvilleans
everywhere. Many Bougainvilleans employed in the Highlands Districts [Provinces] returned home. Locally, the presence of a large population of mainland Niuginians in the copper
project served to remind Bougainvilleans of the tragedy. Talk of secession reached new heights.
By a strange quirk of fate, the Chief Minister had previously decided to tour the District [Province] to encourage unity with Papua New Guinea. The tour could not be cancelled
despite the likelihood of demonstrations. In Kieta, the Local Government Council and Navitu had decided to hold a public meeting between the Chief Minister and the people. [Leo]
Hannett, who was on leave of absence from the University of Hawaii, was selected to chair
25 the meeting. He and several other Bougainvillean speakers reviewed the history of
grievances in the District [Province]. They not only demanded absolute control over the collection and distribution of tax revenues, but also localization of the District
Commissioner’s post, an end to ‘economic imperialism’, repatriation of mainland Niuginians, and the return of all Bougainvillean public servants stationed outside the District
[Province]. They told the Chief Minister that these requests could probably only be met if Bougainville became an independent nation…
Towards the end of 1972, Father Momis had warned the Chief Minister of mounting political pressure on Bougainville. He proposed the setting up of a political committee to
look into the situation, perhaps even to find an alternative to secession through establishment of a mutually acceptable relationship between the central government and the District
[Province]. He suggested that Hannett be in charge of such a committee. The Chief Minister liked the idea and Hannett was summoned to Port Moresby and made the Chief Minister’s
special advisor on Bougainville. Hannett’s appointment helped the people to recover from the feeling of hopelessness which had followed from the deaths of Rovin and Moini, and it
encouraged them to look at the central government with greater favour. However, Hannett’s progress with the Chief Minister’s department was, and would continue to be, uphill. He
refused to sit on the fence, or to act as a government-directed puppet. On the draft page of his job description he scribbled the following: ‘I don’t want to be anyone’s messenger boy.
Enough buggarizing around the problems. The central issues must be spelt out—I must be authorized to seek the views of the people, the leaders of Bougainville, and the four MHAs
[Member of the House of Assembly], in the interests of working out solutions to our political problems.’ And in the end he was.
To initiate and ready themselves for political change, Hannett met with the MHAs, several Bougainvillean public servants, and Mungkas members while in Port Moresby. After
much discussion, the group made the following major decisions: 1 establish a District [Provincial] Government with power to collect and distribute
tax revenues; 2 keep the people continuously informed of plans as it was essential to obtain their
approval and support; 3 Bougainvillean leaders and all educated Bougainvilleans must work together in
a concerted way so as to preclude further distrust; 4 suspend the government’s political liaison programme as it is not considering
their problems with any sense of urgency; 5 staff the following decision-making positions with Bougainvilleans—District
Commissioner, Superintendent of Police, Business Advisers, and Regional Medical Officer;
6 ensure that at least two selected Bougainvilleans are appointed to the Board of Directors of Bougainville Copper;
7 ensure that a clause be inserted in the proposed constitution guaranteeing the rights of Bougainvilleans and other recognized minorities to secede or enter into
an alternative form of relationship with the central government should they wish to do so…
[A statement by the President of Wakunai Local Government Council at this time represented the feelings in general of the Rotokas people for whom he spoke: “A State
Government can unite us. If we want to secede later, where is the foundation for it? We need some experience in governing ourselves. Later, we may decide to secede.”]
26
Wakunai local government council – 1972
In any history of the evolution and course of Bougainvillean nationalism, the special significance of events during the year 1973 will undoubtedly be recognized. Formation of the
Bougainville Special Political Committee [formally announced on the final day of the Combined Local Government Council Conference in Wakunai], organization of conferences
to debate and determine the direction of Bougainvillean political development, and a major confrontation with the central government over the nature and timing of an ‘interim’
administrative arrangement, have all generated a very strong sense of unity of purpose on Bougainville. The issue of District [Provincial] Government had played a major role in
breaking down the long-standing north-south polarization which has bedevilled other attempts to generate a common basis for nationalism. Although there were many different
views on what District [Provincial] Government would mean for Bougainville, the atmosphere prevailing throughout the District in December 1973, was one of renewed
optimism and confidence. Not only had their leaders outlined an administrative structure which seemed well-suited to a Bougainvillean cultural heritage, but increasing numbers of
Bougainvilleans were recognizing the very important roles their proposals were playing on the national scene as well. [A Bill for the immediate introduction of Provincial Government
in Bougainville was passed in the House of Assembly on July 5, 1974.] Mamak et al. 1974:11, 17–20, 46, 62.
27
2 Geography of Bougainville and Buka Islands
2.1 General Orientation
