117 pork eating was an especially onerous test of commitment. Meat in any form was a grand
luxury to these islanders and much of their traditional life revolved around pigs—raising them, exhibiting them, trading them, gift-giving them, and eating them on the most solemn or
festive occasions Oliver 1973:118.
SDA School Near Nupatoro 9.3.4 Influence of Rotokas Scriptures
In October of 1982, the complete New Testament in the Rotokas language became available for the first time. Previous to this, portions of Scripture including Mark’s Gospel, Acts of the Apostles, John’s Gospel and
Epistles, and an abridgement of Genesis had been in print and circulated. In July of 1984, a compilation of Old Testament stories became available in the Rotokas language, as well.
It was interesting to observe how the absolute standards and severe consequences of broken laws which recur in Old Testament stories impressed Rotokas readers. A letter from Togarao in 1985 confirms the continuing
interest in the Old Testament stories, especially among the older people. It is yet to be seen how much influence the vernacular Scripture will have on the three churches in the
Rotokas area. It was intended that with a better understanding of Scripture being in their own language, the Rotokas people would be better able to establish their own standards of behavior relevant to their cultural
practices and with the knowledge of God’s approval.
9.4 Cargo Cult
The effects of contact on the Seaboard were, of course, more drastic. The small native societies were soon swamped by, and incorporated within, the new state system. The outward
forms of the old religions were replaced by Christianity or driven underground. This could lead to only two kinds of reaction: the complete disintegration of native society and the
disappearance of its culture; or, as was more often the case, a resurgence of the society with its organization and ideology deliberately modernized to solve problems created by European
rule. The resurgence usually took the form of cargo cult: new social formations, generally wider than those of traditional society, were recruited on the basis of a belief that careful
enactment of systematic religious ritual would provide the people with the white man’s goods, including very often the military equipment that would drive him from the country.
These cargo cults have been far more prevalent and longer sustained than those in the Highlands Lawrence et al. 1965:20.
In order to be able to evaluate the manifestations of cargo cult among the Rotokas, let us first look at some common features of most all cults of this type.
Belief: source of cargo - a cargo deity, means of getting the cargo is indicated, a cargo prophet or leader directs the acquisition.
118 Ritual: any religious activity designed to produce the cargo assumed to be taught the cargo
prophet by the deity. They are never fixed—since they often need changing or revision after a failure to produce.
Cult: a particular set of ritual activities and associated cargo myth or belief. Movement: a succession of different mythological explanations and ritual experiments
Lawrence 1964. A summary of reasons behind cargo cults may help our understanding of the Rotokas situation, as well. In
the article, “Theories of Cargo Cults,” I.C. Jarvie gives the following reasons: 1 Roughly speaking, most messianic cults seem to be some form of reaction against
hardships. 2 The revivalistic-magic movements function out of a desire to modify the social situation,
in order to return to an idealized past before the white influence. 3 The perpetuative-magic movements sometimes attempt to perpetuate distinctive aspects
as part of magical spells to stave off change or its unpleasant effects, as brought about by the whites.
4 Given a state of unrest or change or disaster, untold things can happen. And if into such a situation is added a religious doctrine which offers a solution to the problem
responsible for the unrest, a Utopian escape from the burden of present discontents, then a match is being held near a gas leak, so to speak Jarvie 1964:7.
Two quite specific and well defined cargo-cult movements occurred on Bougainville-Buka in the past. The Buka Movement took place from 1913 to 1935 and involved a myth of the return of the dead, introduction of
Christian elements, a cargo myth, belief that negroes will become white men and vice versa, and a union of traditionally separate and unfriendly groups. This movement was followed by the Bougainville Movement
from 1935 to 1939. It included elements of Christian teaching, a cargo myth, attempts to restore native political and economic control, and the union of traditionally separate and unfriendly groups.
Later on Bougainville during the period 1960–1970, the cargo activity took place on a more sophisticated level involving politics and business. Strelan in his book, Search For Salvation, illustrates the
two levels: On one level, there was traditional cargo cult activity—what is known locally as
longlong lotu; song and prayers to the Virgin Mary in cemeteries; magico-religious practices with the expectation that the ancestors would produce money, clothing, trucks, and other
goods. These activities were, and are, especially prevalent in the Bougainville hinterland. In July 1976, for example, it was reported that cultists at Kopani No. 1 village, about 50
kilometres north of Kieta, had been digging up coffins and stacking them in a house in the hope of attracting cargo. Violence was also a feature of this movement; it was reported that
some of the 500 adherents had been torturing villagers who would not join the cult.
On another level, cargo beliefs and expectations found expression not in cults or cargo movements as such; rather cargo hopes focused on certain political figures, chief among
whom was Paul now Sir Paul Lapun. It seems certain that many of those who voted for Lapun in 1964, and again in 1968, did so in the expectation that Paul Lapun would lead them
along the road to cargo. In similar vein, the formation of the political organization known as Napikadoe Navitu brought with it an upsurge in cargo hopes and expectations, even though
the organizers of the association did their best to avert such a thing happening. Cargoism politics and business have become inextricably interwoven on Bougainville, just as they have
in Madang, Lae, the Sepik, and other parts of Melanesia Strelan 1977:42–43.
In contrast to the examples above, the cargo cult activity among the Rotokas seems quite “low key” and transient. It is understandable that my wife and I would not be told the details of the activities. Some
information was shared by friends, however. Over the years between 1965 and 1982, we observed three cult-like activities. One has already been
described as “The Christian Way” [see section 7.4.]. Again, I do not feel that there were other motivating factors other than to please God with a more disciplined lifestyle.
Another cult-like activity involved the handling of snakes. It is unknown if the snakes were to be in some way associated with the coming of cargo, or if what was sought after was an unusual power. It was in part
119 linked with the portion of Scripture Mark 16:18 not authenticated by some of the oldest manuscripts, which
mentions handling poisonous snakes without harmful effects. A cult-like activity which had more of the markings of a cargo cult began in the late 1970s. The origins of
this activity among the Rotokas may very well have come from the cargo activity in Kopani No. 1 village mentioned earlier. The ritual involved exhuming the bones of important men and women of the past and
burying them in more elaborate grave sites near the villages. Cement markers were commonly used. Offerings were made at the new grave sites and power was sought. At this time, money from employment at the copper
mine and from cash crops was relatively plentiful, so the basis of the activity seemed hardly to be related to actual cargo.
In relation to this activity, the belt-sign delivered to David A.’s uncle helped keep him from involvement in the cult. He was invited to join in, but remembering his confirmation of God’s hand in his affairs, he refused
to do so. David A. counseled him, saying that the practice of worshiping ancestral bones was a human attempt to
find some reality in the worship of the God brought by the missions. He said that in time this practice, too, would pass away because of its invalid basis i.e., that there is real power for man’s needs available from
ancestral worship as practiced by offering food to their bones. One particular Rotokas man, who was also allegedly deeply involved in the snake-related cult activities,
was said to be a main figure of the bone worshiping activity. He overheard that I had implied his involvement, however, and deeply resented this fact. I apologized for the misunderstanding and eventually we were friends
again. It was, nonetheless, interesting that another man, while pointing out ball point pen marks in his Pidgin New Testament, indicated that my restored friend was a prophet and associated with the pen marks which had
mysteriously appeared.
Within a few years of the first indication that the worship of ancestral bones offered supernatural power, the Christian revival already referred to occurred in the Rotokas area. The “power” which had been sought
after appeared in various activities. Men and women were struck down and lay quite helpless until confession of sin was made to God. Physical healings were reported, glossolalia was observed in a controlled attitude of
prayer, words of encouragement and exhortation were given with authority, as well as the occurrence of other signs attributed to God’s power. It is interesting that the power which seems to have been the goal of the
previous cult-like activities came partly as the result of a university-trained Bougainvillian who had no interest in being a prophet, in attaining cargo, nor in having a following. Instead of gaining cargo themselves, we
witnessed in the people’s lives a generosity across denominational boundaries, age groupings, and even language groupings that would be unusual in most cultures, including our own.
120
10 Education, Medicine, and Language
10.1 Government and Mission Involvement in Education
