134 people, but the traditional leader was often bequeathed the responsibility by a father or an older brother. Some,
like Siraviara, earn the title in their own right.
11.3.1 Leadership during the Colonial Administration
In his book on Bougainville-Buka, Oliver states that: …village chiefs were officially responsible for maintaining law and order in their
communities; for keeping a record of births, deaths, arrivals and departures; for constructing and maintaining the portion of the administration road that passed through their areas; for
supplying European [expatriate] travellers with porters along assigned stretches of road; for sending the sick and wounded to the hospitals; and for carrying out any other duties that
might be imposed by their Number One.
“Maintaining law and order” was a broad mandate indeed. Specifically, the village chief was charged to “arrest natives belonging to their tribes or villages whom they suspect to be
guilty of wrongdoing or an offence”, and to “bring them to the nearest court in the district, or before the district court, to be dealt with according to law”. The courts in question were those
presided over by administration officials. Theoretically the indigenous officials were not permitted to try cases or execute judgement; actually many of them did, with or without the
tacit consent of European officials. The actions that constituted offences or wrongdoing were numerous and comprehensive, including for example, gambling, sorcery and threats of
sorcery, use of intoxicating liquor, “careless use of fire”, unsanitary practices, burying bodies too near to dwellings, behaving in a riotous manner, using obscene language, spreading
“false reports tending to give rise to trouble or ill feeling amongst the people or between individuals”, and the wearing by males of clothes over the upper part of the body. In other
words, an undigested mixture of Australian law, public hygiene guidelines, and Victorian pruderies.
Not surprisingly, the opportunities for abuse of authority under such a regime were numerous. The administration, of course, regulated against this situation as well, as in the
following: Any luluai, kukerai, tul-tul, patrol medical tul-tul doctor-boy or other native upon
whom the Government has conferred authority, who uses such authority for the purpose of blackmail or wrongfully to get any property or benefit for himself or any other person, or
wrongfully to injure any other person shall be guilty of an offence. Penalty: Three pounds or six months imprisonment, or both Oliver 1973:101–102.
Among the Rotokas in the Wakunai River valley area, the brother of David A., was the kukerai after his father died in 1948. A man in Kokipaia village was also a kukerai and served with the tultul of the same hamlet
who later lived in Togarao village and died in 1982. He was the only Rotokas man we knew who had worked in the sugarcane fields of Queensland. The hat worn by the kukerai was a white-peaked hat with a black brim.
The tutul’s hat was all black with four colored stripes. One still had his hat in the village.
Two Rotokas men were appointed medical officers. Their peaked hats were black with a white band. We were always impressed by the respect that was shown to all of these men, the “hat men,” years after
their authority had been taken away and their roles filled by others. Of all the men, one of the “doctor boys” was the most respected as a traditional leader, partly because he was an influential land owner of the Ovuveo
clan. When we arrived in 1965, the old “hat men” had been replaced by the Village Councilors and Aid Post
Orderlies. The councilor of Togarao village was elected by the people of the village. He was elected for a second term against his own desires. He told us that the responsibilities of the office took too much of his time.
The travel back and forth to the Patrol Post located in Wakunai was time consuming, considering that it was a five-to seven-hour hike to Togarao village from the coast in those days. As a result, the councilor was
bemoaning the fact that his gardens were overgrown with brush.
We observed that the authority of this particular councilor was not always respected. While building our house, the men were instructed not to use sago palm planks for the flooring. However, while the councilor was
away, another man, a respected carpenter and former “hat man” and clan leader, directed the men to go ahead with the planks. When the councilor returned, he did not seem angry, but joined in helping the men lay the
flooring instead.
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Wakunai patrol post in 1965
Japanese guns stand in the yard. In July of 1969, we noticed that the councilor’s regimentation of village activities was especially binding.
The people’s weeks were scheduled so that every other week the entire village was obliged to give their time to Council, village, and mission projects. Monday was “Council Day” and the time was spent cutting the grass on
the airstrip. Tuesday was often taken for a group project, such as cutting timber for a house, preparing sago palm roofing, etc. Wednesday was for church projects—fixing up the church buildings, working on the Voko
School grounds and buildings, etc. Work often spilled over to occupy Thursday and Friday, as well. During the odd weeks they were allowed time to work on their own houses, gardens, etc.
Even in 1982, the year we last lived in Togarao village, each morning the councilor gathered the village people to discuss plans for the day and projects to be done and to make any announcements about government
and church activities. With local business groups exerting more of an influence, the people’s time was not as available for general projects as in the past.
11.3.2 The village government system
