Stage Theories of Conversion: An Overview

3.3 Stage Theories of Conversion: An Overview

In reviewing the literature pertinent to the Rambo Model, it is necessary to discuss the earlier theories of religious conversion, primarily because the Rambo Model is built upon some of these earlier works (Paloutzian, Richardson and Rambo 1999: 1072). The following discussion, however, is not an exhaustive review of all conversion theories and it only focuses on the conversion theories which are in the form of a stage model.

One of the earliest stage model-like conversion theories is by Berkhofer (1963) who outlines the possible sequences in the Protestant missionary activities among the North American Indians in the nineteenth century. According to Berkhofer, the sequence in the missionary activities would normally start with an early contact with the Indian tribe and would end with either the extinction or the survival of the Protestant One of the earliest stage model-like conversion theories is by Berkhofer (1963) who outlines the possible sequences in the Protestant missionary activities among the North American Indians in the nineteenth century. According to Berkhofer, the sequence in the missionary activities would normally start with an early contact with the Indian tribe and would end with either the extinction or the survival of the Protestant

Apart from Beckhofer, another widely-cited conversion model is that of Lofland and Stark (1965). In comparison to Beckhofer‟s sequential model, Lofland and Stark developed “a model of the accumulating conditions” that offers an understanding of a conversion process from the perspective of a potential convert (Lofland and Stark 1965: 874). Based on their study on the conversion experience of the Divine Precepts‟

converts, Lofland and Stark proposed seven conditions that were generally experienced by the converts where firstly, a person (1) must “experience enduring, acutely felt tensions”, (2) consequently develop “a religious problem-solving perspective”, (3)

“which lead him to define himself as a religious seeker”, (4) and due to his seekership,

he encounters with the Divine Percepts‟ advocates “at a turning point of his life”, (5) at this stage, the previous encounter enables the person to develop “an affective bond” with fellow Divine Percept‟s believers, and (6) “extra-cult attachment are absent or neutralised” which finally (7) brings the person to experience an “intensive interaction” with the religious group as a preparation “to become a deployable agent”

(ibid.).

From the above list of necessary conditions to produce a religious conversion, it is apparent that a shift in social network is one of the central factors in the Lofland/Stark model, as can be seen from the establishment of a new social bond with the followers of the new religion (condition 5) and the elimination of any extra-cult control in the From the above list of necessary conditions to produce a religious conversion, it is apparent that a shift in social network is one of the central factors in the Lofland/Stark model, as can be seen from the establishment of a new social bond with the followers of the new religion (condition 5) and the elimination of any extra-cult control in the

The Lofland/Stark model has been empirically tested by a number of studies, however with mixed findings. For instance, using ten case studies to empirically test the model, Greil and Rudy (1984) conclude that the model fits some groups and circumstances better than others, and that there had been significant limitations in terms of the applicability and relevance of the conditions prescribed by the model to explain the conversion process of their research subjects. In other words, while some conditions are prerequisite to the conversion process of one group, the same conditions are not necessarily the decisive variables in the conversion process of another group (Hamilton 2001: 264). Likewise, the study on the conversion process of Dutch adolescents to Christianity by Kox et al (1991) conclude that their research subjects converted to their new religion despite the fact that they did not experience all seven conditions.

Snow and Machalek (1984) argue that the main limitation of the Lofland/Stark model is that it is not general enough where the seven conditions listed by the model fail to adequately explain non- cult typologies of conversion, primarily because “the natural histories of conversion patterns vary from group to group” (Snow and Machalek 1984: 184). This helps to explain why the testing of the model in different contexts has yielded conflicting results. What the findings of the testing also highlight is that, the conditions that Lofland and Stark considered as vital prerequisites for a conversion could vary in significance from one setting to the next. Applying this particular finding Snow and Machalek (1984) argue that the main limitation of the Lofland/Stark model is that it is not general enough where the seven conditions listed by the model fail to adequately explain non- cult typologies of conversion, primarily because “the natural histories of conversion patterns vary from group to group” (Snow and Machalek 1984: 184). This helps to explain why the testing of the model in different contexts has yielded conflicting results. What the findings of the testing also highlight is that, the conditions that Lofland and Stark considered as vital prerequisites for a conversion could vary in significance from one setting to the next. Applying this particular finding

Tippett (1992) also develops a model of religious conversion by emphasising the key points in a conversion process. Examining the transition of an old pagan society into a Christian context from an anthropological viewpoint, he identifies five key periods in a conversion process. Tippett suggests that a religious conversion should begin with a period of awareness and be followed by a point of realisation. A period of decision- making should be the third key point in a conversion process which should then be followed by a point of encounter. A period of incorporation is the final key point in the process of a religious conversion (Tippett 1992: 195).

Tippett‟s model visibly suggests a religious conversion as a process which involves different stages that culminates in a conversion to a new religion. As this study is already aware of the influence of contextual setting on a conversion process, as pointed out earlier, it is plausible to argue that the definition of the stages in Tippett‟s model and the sequence of the stages identified by the model could only be relevant and applicable to a religious conversion to Christianity. Moreover, as Tippett revealed that

the model has been used by Christian missionaries in identifying the points “at which they must have strength, and the points where they can fail” (Tippett 1987: 76), the

model is clearly a representation of Christian religious culture that might not be applicable to a conversion process to a non-Christian religion.

It would be worthwhile to point out here that, the Rambo Model is essentially based on Tippett‟s process theory, alongside that of Lofland/Stark, and this without doubt It would be worthwhile to point out here that, the Rambo Model is essentially based on Tippett‟s process theory, alongside that of Lofland/Stark, and this without doubt

giving details of the model‟s seven conversion stages which lead to a religious conversion.