Proselytising-religion and non-proselytising-religion contexts

3.6.2 Proselytising-religion and non-proselytising-religion contexts

The above review has also highlighted the substantial effect exerted by the proselytising, or non-proselytising, properties of a religion upon the sequence of the conversion stages. Take Jehovah‟s Witness as an example of a proselytising religion.

As the only proselytising faith that had been examined by the previous studies, the conversion process to the religion is considerably different from the process of conversion to a non- proselytising religion. The potential converts to Jehovah‟s Witness are unmistakably “guided” by the Witness missionaries throughout the conversion process. Such “guidance” thus defines the characters of the encounter stage in a

proselytising-religion context where the encounter is strictly between religious missionaries and a potential convert. What is equally important is the fact that, the encounter stage is the first stage to be experienced by potential converts to this type of religion, as shown in Diagram I on page 66. This is because, the proselytising nature of proselytising-religion context where the encounter is strictly between religious missionaries and a potential convert. What is equally important is the fact that, the encounter stage is the first stage to be experienced by potential converts to this type of religion, as shown in Diagram I on page 66. This is because, the proselytising nature of

A different sequence was observed in the conversion process to a non-proselytising religion such as the sequence of conversion stages experienced by the Buddhist converts in South Africa and by the Muslim converts in Britain and the United States where both Buddhism and Islam are a minority as well as a non-proselytising religion in those countries. As can be seen from Diagram I, converts to a non-proselytising religion would be likely to experience crises, i.e. the crisis stage, before they encountered, mostly by chance, a subject that would trigger an interest towards the religion. Again, most existing studies justify the occurrence of the crisis stage as the first stage in the conversion process to these types of religions by arguing that the religion is rather unpopular and unknown to non-followers (Parker 2007:93; Al-Qwidi 2002: 31). Thus, it is unlikely for an individual to purposely get in contact with followers of the minority religion or the non-proselytising religion unless the person has been confronted with a substantial crisis and a conflict in his or her life.

On the other hand however, the potential converts of a proselytising religion rarely experience any religious crisis before they have the religious quest. This is because, after the initial encounter with the proselytising religion, the potential converts would

be brought directly to the quest stage. For example, in the case of the potential converts to Jehovah ‟s Witness, the missionaries directed them to attend Bible‟s study meeting in order to provide the potential converts with relevant information and knowledge that could help foster their familiarity with the religion. It is only when the potential converts evaluated and decided to accept the religious information they acquired be brought directly to the quest stage. For example, in the case of the potential converts to Jehovah ‟s Witness, the missionaries directed them to attend Bible‟s study meeting in order to provide the potential converts with relevant information and knowledge that could help foster their familiarity with the religion. It is only when the potential converts evaluated and decided to accept the religious information they acquired

For the potential converts to a non-proselytising religion however, the stages after the occurrence of the quest stage only consist of the interaction and the consequences stages. The commitment stage is absent in the conversion process to this type of religion. As explained in section 3.5.5, the converts sidestepped the formal commitment stage mainly because of the opposition within their personal circle against their conversion to a religion that is foreign to the majority of the population. In contrast, the converts to a proselytising religion could easily opt for a formal and public ceremony to officiate their religious conversion. Such public declaration of a religious conversion is made possible by the proselytising activities of the religion that create a sense of familiarity to many sections of the population including those within the immediate personal network of the converts.

Thus, the above review has demonstrated how the proselytising or non-proselytising aspect of a religion could significantly influence the sequence of the conversion stages. Specifically referring to Pitulac and Nastuta‟s (2007) study, it is their recognition of the position of Jehovah ‟s Witness in Romania and the consideration of the proselytising properties of the religion that both authors assertively concluded that, the applicability of the Rambo Model could only be made by adjusting the stage sequence proposed by the model (Pitulac and Nastuta 2007: 83). Given the fact that none of the stage sequence postulated by the existing studies, as shown in Diagram I on page 66, is similar to what Rambo suggests, it is plausible to extend Pitulac and Nastuta ‟s argument to the other two religious contexts (a minority-religion and a non- Thus, the above review has demonstrated how the proselytising or non-proselytising aspect of a religion could significantly influence the sequence of the conversion stages. Specifically referring to Pitulac and Nastuta‟s (2007) study, it is their recognition of the position of Jehovah ‟s Witness in Romania and the consideration of the proselytising properties of the religion that both authors assertively concluded that, the applicability of the Rambo Model could only be made by adjusting the stage sequence proposed by the model (Pitulac and Nastuta 2007: 83). Given the fact that none of the stage sequence postulated by the existing studies, as shown in Diagram I on page 66, is similar to what Rambo suggests, it is plausible to extend Pitulac and Nastuta ‟s argument to the other two religious contexts (a minority-religion and a non-