serialization above are non-contiguous. The beneficiary or purposive is encoded as the object of the second verb, as seen in clauses 52, 53 and 54.
4.1.8. Causative Serialization
The first verb in Sasak causative serialization is always the verb pinaq or piyaq ‘do
make’ and the second is typically an intransitive verb. This can be seen as in the following clauses:
55
Nie miyaq menenjot bebeaq no.
3-S N.make make.shock baby DEF ‘SHe shocked the baby.’
56
Dendek miyaq me-lilaq keluarge entan.
NEG N.make make.shy family way ‘Never embarrass the big family’s name.’
In clause 55, the causative serialization consists of causative verb miyaq ‘make’,
and verb menenjot ‘make shock’. In clause 56, the causative verb miyaq ‘make’ is
followed by verb melilaq ‘embarrass’.
The example of causative serialization of Sasak above has similarity with the semantic types of serial verb constructions in Keo, as Baird 2008:60 stated that in
Keo causation is expressed either lexically or in a SVC. The verbs in causative SVCs are always contiguous, as seen in clause 55 and clause 56.
4.1.9. Cause-Effect Serialization
Cause-effect serialization in Sasak is formed by independent verbs. Cause-effect serial verbs consist of verb which expresses effect, while the first verb expresses the cause, as
seen in the following examples: 57
Kokoh no be-labur ng-ilih-an bale=n dengan.
river DEF flood float house=3P people ‘River floods washed away the buildings.’
58
Ariq meneq m-basaq-an kasur.
brother N.urinate N.make.wet bed ‘Brother has urinated the bed.’
Based on those two clauses, cause-effect serialization can be formed by two verbs in which express the cause and the effect. In clause 57, cause verb belabur
‘flood’ precedes the effect verb ngilihan
‘float’. In clause 58, the nasal verb meneq ‘urinate’ is the cause of the second verb mbasaqan
‘make wet’. In those clauses, intransitive verb is stating cause, while transitive verb is stating effect. Clauses 57 and 58 above are
an independent serial verb which all of the verbs in the construction have the complete inflectional morphology.
In this case, the cause-effect serialization can be exchanged into effect-cause serialization. In effect-cause serialization, the effect verb is intransitive verb, while the
cause verb is transitive verb. The following examples of effect-cause serialization, as seen in:
59 Kakaq
ngeleleq nggitaq Tiang terik.
sister laugh see 1-S fall
‘Sister laughs a lot saw me felt.’ 60
Inaq nangis njangoq Niniq sakit.
mother N.cry N.visit grandmother sick ‘Mother can’t hold her tears while visiting Grandmother in the hospital.’
Based on those three examples above, cause-effect serial verb constructions in Sasak can be formed with two serial verbs which stating effect-cause. In clause 59,
the effect verb ngeleleq ‘laugh’ is followed by the cause verb nggitaq ‘see’. In clause
60, the effect verb nangis ‘cry’ is followed by the cause verb menjangoq ‘visit’.
Clauses 59 and 60 above are classified co-dependent serial verb constructions in which share argument and as the parts of the constructions depend on
