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CHAPTER IV FINDING AND DISCUSSION

This chapter consists of three sections. The first section presents the semantic types of Sasak serial verb constructions. The second section is the discussion of the characteristics of Sasak serial verb constructions. The last section is the analysis and the representation of the syntactic structures of Sasak serial verb constructions.

4.1. The Semantic Types of Sasak Serial Verb Constructions

The semantic types of serial verb constructions are explained in the following discussion based on the point of view of van Staden and Reesink 2008 and Baird 2008. As explained before, van Staden and Reesink 2008: 36-46 divided eight semantic types of serial verb: motion, direction, instrument, state change, comitative, manner, aspect, and mood. Those eight semantic types of serial verb construction are not universal. Baird 2008, for example, found six types of serial verb constructions in her research entitled motion serial in Keo. She identified benefactive purposive, causative, cause-effect, synonymic, manner, and motion. Moreover, Pradnyayanti 2010 found nine types of semantic types in double verb constructionsin Sasak of ngeto-ngete dialect in her research; they are: motion, benefactive, manner, instrument, aspect, causative, locative, purpose, and synonym. The result of data analysis in this research shows that Sasak serial verb constructions in meno-mene dialect have ten semantic types, which are motion, directional, instrumental, comitative, manner, aspect and mood, benefactive, causative, cause-effect, and synonym. Thus, this study strengthens and becomes the completion of the previous studies.

4.1.1. Motion Serialization

In many languages, the verb expressing a motion, typically meaning ‘go’, precedes some action by the same actor Talmy 2000 in van Staden and Reesink, 2008: 36. The verb ‘go’ expressing a motion sub-event is easily bleached in its deictic meaning van Staden and Reesink, 2008: 36. In Sasak of meno-mene dialect, motion verbs are found commonly as the first verb of motion serial verb constructions such as the verb lalo ‘go’, lampaq ‘walk’, and dateng ‘come’, as seen in the following examples: 25 Amaq lalo oleq be-galeng. father go go.home lunch ‘Father is going home for lunch.’ 26 Kanak-kanak no lampaq moye kecimol eleq rorong. child=RED DEF walk N.watch kecimol Prep street ‘Those children went to watch the kecimol the event where people hold wedding party with traditional music and dance along the street .’ 27 Ariq dateng nyinggaq kepeng eleq Inaq. brother come borrow money Prep mother ‘Brother is lending some money to Mother.’ The examples of motion serial verb constructions above have some similarities with the semantic types of serial verb in Keo, as studied by Baird 2008: 64 claiming that motion serialization can contain only motion verbs, as seen in clause 25 in which the serial verbs lalo ‘go’ and oleq ‘go home’ is followed by begaleng ‘lunch’; a motion verb and a non-motion verb, as seen in clause 26 containing the verb lampaq ‘walk’ is followed by moye ‘watch’, and in clause 27 having the verb dateng ‘come’ is followed by nyinggaq ‘borrow’. The second verb in motion serial verb constructions can be transitive verb as in the clauses above. Moreover, motion serial verb can also be formed with transitive verbs in passive or active forms, as seen in sentences 28-a and 29-a: