SILESR2001 006 survey report for the Bwamu language | SIL International

S OCIOLINGUISTIC S URVEY R EPORT FOR THE B WAMU L ANGUAGE

  W RITTEN BY :J OHN AND C AROL B ERTHELETTE

  SIL International 2001

Contents

  0 Introduction and Goals of the Survey

  1 General Information

  1.1 Language Name and Classification

  1.2 Language Location

  1.3 Population

  1.4 Accessibility and Transport

  1.4.1 Roads: Quality and Availability

  1.4.2 Public Transport Systems

  1.4.3 Trails

  1.5 Religious Adherence

  1.5.1 Spiritual Life

  1.5.2 Christian Work in the Area

  1.5.3 Language Use Parameters within Church Services

  1.6 SchoolsEducation.

  1.6.1 Types, Sites, and Size of Schools

  1.6.2 Literacy Activities

  1.6.3 Attitude toward the Vernacular

  1.7 Facilities and Economics

  1.7.1 Supply Needs

  1.7.2 Medical Needs

  1.7.3 Governmental Facilities in the Area

  1.8 Traditional Culture

  1.8.1 History

  1.8.2 Attitude toward Culture

  1.8.3 Contact with Other Cultures

  1.9 Linguistic Work in the Language Area

  1.9.1 Work Accomplished in the Past

  1.9.2 Present Work

  1.9.3 Materials Published in the Language

  2 Methodology

  2.1 Sampling on the Macro Level

  2.2 Lexicostatistic Survey

  2.3 Dialect Intelligibility Survey

  2.4 Questionnaires

  2.5 Bilingualism Testing in Jula

  3 Comprehension and Lexicostatistical Data (between villages)

  3.1 Reported Dialect Groupings

  3.2 Results of the Recorded Text Tests

  3.3 Percentage Chart of Apparent Cognates

  3.4 Areas for Further Study

  4 Multilingual Issues

  4.1 Language Use Description

  4.1.1 Children’s Language Use

  4.1.2 Adult Language Use

  4.2 Results of the Jula Bilingualism Test

  4.3 Language Attitudes

  4.4 Summary

  5 Recommendations Appendix

  1 Population Statistics

  2 A Word List of Dialects in the Southern Bwamu Region (section 3.3)

  Bibliographical Resources

  1 References

  2 Other Materials about Bwamu

  3 Materials Published in the Language

  4 Contacts for Further Information

Bwamu Survey Report

0 Introduction and Goals of the Survey

  This paper concerns the results of a sociolinguistic survey conducted by John and Carol Berthelette, Béatrice Tiendrebeogo, Dieudonné Zawa, Assounan Ouattara, and Soungalo Coulibaly. The survey was conducted between March 20 and May 8, 1995.

  The survey was necessary due to a lack of data concerning the degree of intelligibility between Bwamu speakers in the southern language area and those of the northern area. Linguists such as L. Tauxier and G. Manessey have written of the presence of different dialects in the southern Bwamu region. Manessey for example writes that the Bwaba in these areas speak the dialects of Bondoukuy, Ouakara, and Houndé-Kari (Manessey 1961:126). Nevertheless, to the present time, various sociolinguistic questions have remained unresolved. Since a project for the development of Bwamu has already been started in the Ouarkoye region (see map in figure 1.2.1), and since its literacy program is quickly spreading into areas that have not before been studied, it is important to determine the degree of its comprehension throughout the language area. So, in short, the four goals of the survey were:

  1. to gather basic demographic and dialectal information about the Bwaba in the

  southern Bwamu-speaking region (especially in the area to the south and east of Pâ, very little was known);

  2. to determine attitudes of those in the southern region toward both Bwamu and

  Jula, and to determine their level of competence in Jula;

  3. to test for both the lexical similarity and the degree of comprehension between

  speakers in the south and the north;

  4. in the event of insufficient comprehension between speakers of the southern

  dialect and those of the northern; in the event of very positive attitudes toward the vernacular; and in the event of an insufficient ability to communicate in Jula, the goal was to determine a possible second site for a language development project.

1 General Information

1.1 Language Name and Classification

  The Ethnologue, a classification of the world’s languages published by the Summer Institute of Linguistics, classifies the Bwamu language (code “BOX”) in the following manner: “Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, North, Gur, Central, Northern, Bwamu” (Grimes 1992:168). J. H. Greenberg, while also classifying Bwamu as a Gur language, places it under the Lobi-dogon subgroup (Greenberg 1963:8). The language most closely related is Bomu (or Boré) (Naden 1989:147), found predominantly in Mali and northwestern Burkina Faso.

  In the Dédougou area, the speakers of Bwamu call themselves “Bwaba” (Grimes 1992:168). In this paper, we shall use the term “Bwaba” throughout to avoid confusion.

  Other ethnic groups often refer to them as “Bobo-wule” (or “Bobo-oule”), a name coming from Jula. In the southern Bwamu region, they are often simply called “Bobo”.

  Manessy, in his 1961 paper, identified 17 dialects of Bwamu. In Mali, he recognized 5: Koniko, Togo, Wahu, San, and Mazã’wi. In Burkina Faso, he identified

  12: in the northwest area, Bo’wi, Sanaba-Bourasso, and Solenso, while to the south (and east), Massala, Dédougou, Bondoukuy, Ouakara, Sara, Houndé-Kari, Yaho, Mamou, Bagassi. (Manessy 1961:122–126). Regarding the Bwamu area south of the Bagassi dialect region, he concludes that the Bwamu spoken here is closely related to that in other dialect regions (Manessey 1961:126). He concludes that there are 4 zones of intelligibility.

  Concerning the southern Bwamu dialects covered by this survey, the dialects of

  Bagassi, Vi, and Boni are grouped under the name . Other Bwaba refer to

  them as

  (Yé 1981:5) or . Jula speakers refer to them as “Bobo

  Niéniégué”, or “Bobo of the facial scarifications”, in reference to their custom of complex facial scarring (Voltz 1979:12). In the area to the east of Founzan, a small

  group of villages make up the dialect known as or . Scattered to the south of

  Founzan, stretching from east of the Mouhoun river to 100 km east of Bob-Dioulasso,

  are villages which speak a dialect called or

  1 The speakers of the latter two dialects are intermingled. In some areas, and villages are

  interspersed. In other instances, and speakers live in different parts of the

  same village: each learns to understand the other’s dialect, always speaking his own.

1.2 Language Location

  The Bwamu-speaking territory in Burkina Faso lies within the following provinces: Kossi, Banwa, Mouhoun, Houet, Balé, Tuy, Bougouriba, and Sissili (see map in figure 1.2.1). To state it more precisely, in Burkina Faso the Bwamu region extends from the

  general Nouna area 2 of northwestern Burkina Faso (Kossi province) south to the

  general Houndé region (Houet province) and east to the area of Fara (Sissili province).

  It is a vast territory, in Burkina Faso covering around 18,000 km 2 . The target region of this survey was the area to the south of the Houndé and

  Bagassi regions, itself approximately 5,000 km 2 , with an east-west expanse of 130 km.

  The area has many geographic “obstructions”: chains of hills, small rivers, and swamps. Considering the rugged terrain and the possibility of isolation that it causes, lack of linguistic diversity would be the biggest surprise.

  1 Not all villages refer to themselves in this manner. Intelligibility figures and responses to our questionnaires permit this grouping.

  2 North and west of the Nouna area are the Boré, or Bomu. Boré is a language closely related to Bwamu, but the intelligibility between the two is somewhat limited.

  The Bwaba have various neighbors, including the Puguli, Dagara, Nuna, Yari (or Dagaari-Jula), Mossi, Marka, and Bobo-Madaré. Neighboring languageethnic groups can be seen on the map in figure 1.2.1.

  Figure 1.2.1 Map of Bwamu Language Area 3

  3 Adapted from CNRSTINSS 1988.

1.3 Population

  The estimated population, according to the 1985 national census, numbers the entire ethnic group at 170,000 (INSD 1985:I,7). Assuming that the population has increased since the census was taken, the Ethnologue puts the figure at between 200,000 and 250,000 (Grimes 1992:168). Basing estimates again on the 1985 national census, population figures for the dialects covered by this study are as follows:

  Table 1.3.1

  Estimated Population Figures for the Southern Bwamu Dialects 4

  (with a growth rate of 2.68 per year) 5

  Laa laa

  Bagassi Pâ Boni

  Cwi (coo)

  Koti Kabourou

  Dakwi (dakoo) Kongolikan Koumbia (Tuy

  Province) LollioKoumbia (Balé Province)

1.4 Accessibility and Transport

1.4.1 Roads: Quality and Availability

  Several major, well-maintained routes pass through the southern Bwamu- speaking area. East to west runs the paved N1, the major road linking Ouagadougou, Boromo, and Bobo, as well as unpaved D29, connecting Ouahabou with the Ouarkoye region. Running north to south are unpaved N12, connecting Pâ with Dano, and R17, a route passing through Poura and Fara.

  These routes are a great economic help to the area, an important agricultural region. They also allow for a degree of contact between some Bwamu dialect groups. Another result of good roads is relative ease of contact with neighboring ethnic groups, due to increased commercial activity. While some Bwamu villages are rather isolated— perhaps even cut off from motor vehicle traffic during the rainy season—this area by and large offers easy access to most villages.

  In spite of the modern presence of a good road system, the hilly terrain and the large geographic area have undoubtably hindered travel in the past, contributing to the creation of the linguistic mixture that is the southern Bwamu region. Furthermore, the absence of a major route running directly from the Pâ region to the OuarkoyeDédougou area (because of the Grand Bâlé River) undoubtedly plays a part

  4 Please see table 1.1 in the appendix for a list of villages for each dialect. 5 From the Atlas Jeune Afrique du Burkina Faso (Laclavère 1993:24).

  in diminishing contact—and therefore keeping alive the linguistic variation—between the dialects concerned.

1.4.2 Public Transport Systems

  Since many rural peoples in Burkina Faso have limited means of personal transportation (usually a bicycle or moped), the availability of public transport is an important consideration in assessing actual and potential contact within a larger language community. Public or commercial transport, be it by bus, bush taxi, or private merchants, is possible throughout much of the southern Bwamu region.

  Two disclaimers must be included. First, notable by its absence is regular public transportation between the BoromoPâ region and Ouarkoye. The most reliable transportation to the OuarkoyeDédougou region passes by way of Bobo-Diolasso, a situation which diminishes contact between the various dialects. Second, the villages off the main routes, even if only by a few kilometers, can become inaccessible to 4- wheel vehicles during the rainy season.

1.4.3 Trails

  Numerous trails exist between Bwamu villages. In the absence of well-maintained roads, these trails allow for contact by foot, bike, and moped between villages that are not separated by too great a distance.

1.5 Religious Adherence

1.5.1 Spiritual Life

  Traditional religious practices and beliefs still dominate the spiritual life of the great majority of Bwaba. We have at our disposition only the 1991 estimates of religious adherence for the entire Bwamu ethnic group; they are 85 following their traditional religion, 13 Christian, and 2 Muslim (Shady 1991). We must assume that the figures for the southern region are not extremely different.

  It is noteworthy that Islam’s influence is relatively small among the Bwaba. Of course, at least some Muslim believers are found in most villages.

1.5.2 Christian Work in the Area

  The Roman Catholic Church has had a long history of work among the Bwaba, recently celebrating its 50th year (Tottle 1995:18). Besides parishes established in Bomborokuy, Dédougou, and Wakara, they began work in the Boni area in 1959. The work among the Bwa in the Boni parish is currently headed by Fr. Georges Riffault. See table 1.2 in the appendix for a listing of known Roman Catholic groups. Catholic work in the Fafo area is conducted through the Dano parish.

  We know of three Protestant organizations who have been working among the Bwamu. The Alliance Chrétienne (CMA) started their work among the Bwaba around 40 years ago (Tottle 1995:18), basing their early efforts out of Ouarkoye. They have since turned over much of the church leadership in that area to the Bwaba themselves.

  Currently, Jim and Betty Arnold, located in Houndé, carry out church planting from KoumbiaHoundé to Founzan regions.

  Two other Protestant missions are also active in the southern Bwamu area. The Assemblies of God denomination began work in Bansié (near Boni) in 1973, and have

  a group that numbers 150. In all, they may have over 15 churches in the southern region (FEME 1997). Five villages also have Pentacostal Church congregations. See table 1.2 in the appendix for a listing of Protestant congregations in the southern Bwamu region.

1.5.3 Language Use Parameters within Church Services

  In the southern Bwamu area, most Catholic and Protestant churches work through the Bwamu language. Church services of all groups are conducted almost exclusively in Bwamu; Jula or French is sometimes used. It is probably in the Alliance Chrétienne churches in the HoundéKoumbia region where the influence of Jula is most pronounced.

  Furthermore, both Catholic and Protestant services are usually conducted in the particular dialect of the region. As we consider later the scores for inherent intelligibility between various villages and dialects, this point will carry more importance. Notable exceptions are the Catholic work in the Koti region, where residents often hear Mass conducted in the Boni dialect, and its work in Fafo.

  As a final note, the use of the vernacular has been valued to such an extent that the different missions have begun translating important materials. The Catholic parish based in Boni has emphasized both translation of Scripture and literacy in the vernacular, specifically in the BoniBagassi dialect. They have done much translation work themselves. Likewise, the Alliance Chrétienne and Assemblées de Dieu groups have carried out some translation andor production of materials in the dialects of their regions, for the Alliance Chrétienne in the Ouarkoye dialect and for the Assemblées de Dieu in that of Boni. (see section 3 of the bibliographical resources for a listing of materials published in the vernacular.)

1.6 SchoolsEducation

1.6.1 Types, Sites, and Size of Schools

  In the provinces in which the Bwaba live, primary school education has received much attention in the last two decades, as evidenced by the opening of a number of elementary schools. (See table 1.3 in the appendix for a list of primary schools in Bwamu-speaking villages in these provinces).

  Table 1.6.1 shows the scolarity rates for the four major provinces of the southern Bwamu region, according to the pre-1996 provincial boundaries. As is true for most of the country, in the Bwamu region boys outnumber girls in the schools. Furthermore, even with the construction of many new schools in the last two decades, the Table 1.6.1 shows the scolarity rates for the four major provinces of the southern Bwamu region, according to the pre-1996 provincial boundaries. As is true for most of the country, in the Bwamu region boys outnumber girls in the schools. Furthermore, even with the construction of many new schools in the last two decades, the

  statistics (MEBAM 1996). 6 Note that the figures for the province of Houet are obviously

  higher than 40. It is nevertheless safe to assume that these figures are quite high because of an undoubtedly higher scolarity rate for the city of Bobo-Dioulasso, where

  39 of the population lives. The rural areas certainly have percentages that correspond to those of the other provinces listed.

  Table1.6.1 Scolarity Rate by Province

  (for the 1994–1995 school year)

  Province

  Girls’ Scolarity Rate Boys’ Scolarity Rate Total Scolarity

  As is the case throughout the country, middle and high schools are much less common, forcing most students above primary level to travel outside of their home villages to attend (see table 1.4 in the appendix for a list of middle and high schools in the Bwamu region).

  In general terms, the Bwaba seem to be highly motivated to attend school and to learn French. In fact, compared with other ethnic groups, a relatively high number seem to gain scholastic success. Nevertheless, certain factors counterbalance the desire to educate the young. The biggest single deterrent to educational access is not distance from schools, but parents’ lack of money to send their children. A second hindrance is the deeply-engrained fear among the adult Bwaba that education erodes adherence to traditional culture, again a factor which seemingly affects girls more than boys.

  Another formal government educational activity is the program Centre de Formation de Jeunes Agriculteurs. These CFJAs were developed to provide very basic education for those villages far removed from primary schools, and also are a way to educate children who don’t have the means to go to primary schools. In the province of

  Mouhoun, some CFJAs carry out literacy in the vernacular. 7 See table 1.5 in the

  appendix for listing of CFJA schools in the southern Bwamu region.

  6 The statistics of schooling vary between 11 for the province of Gnagna and 80 for the province of Kadiogo.

  7 In the provinces of Bougouriba, Houet, and Sissili, however, literacy is carried out in either Jula or a more dominant regional language.

1.6.2 Literacy Activities

  Several organizations have taken up the cause to increase literacy in Bwamu.

  Table 1.6.2 shows the figures for DPEBAM 8 -supervised Bwamu literacy.

  Table 1.6.2 DPEBAM-Supervised Bwamu Literacy Classes

  1993 (Tottle

  1994 (Tottle

  1995 1st level 1995 2nd level

  complémentaire) (Unofficial DBEBAM)

  Classes started

  Students started

  Students passed

  39 (4 women)

  152 (25 women) 181 (46 women)

  58 (10 women)

  Certain Catholic parishes and Protestant churches are also carrying out literacy programs; a Christian primer has been produced in the Ouarkoye dialect, and is currently being revised for the Boni dialect.

1.6.3 Attitude toward the Vernacular

  As was just noted, the DPEBAM has been very involved in the literacy efforts in Bwamu. As is the case with the other national languages, though, literacy, must be conducted outside of the primary and post-primary schools; French is the only language allowed in these schools. Therefore, literacy takes place through DPEBAM and church literacy centers and CFJAs.

1.7 Facilities and Economics

1.7.1 Supply Needs

  The economic situation in the general Bwamu area is similar to that of most rural Burkina Faso: almost all of the Bwaba are subsistence farmers. The southern Bwamu area is somewhat more favorable to agriculture than are, for example, areas further north. The soil is more fertile and annual rainfall is higher (Voltz 1979:13). These factors explain the higher population density than exists further north.

  According to some who have worked in their region, the Bwaba have emphasized cotton planting (besides growing the staple grains), and have thus reaped some economic benefits from this cash crop. Small markets, held every few days, are found in many villages. Often, Mossi and Jula traders sell at these markets. The Bwaba have

  8 Département proviciale pour l’education de base et l’alphabétisation de masse. This is the provincial government literacy organization; it has now dropped the “masse” and is called

  DPEBA.

  at their disposal, if not within their means, the basic goods that they need to carry on their lives.

  One result of meeting people of other ethnic groups is bilingualism, and most often in Jula. It is important to note that this mixture of people groups is a strong characteristic of the market scene. Such gatherings provide the opportunity to gain at least a minimal proficiency in Jula.

1.7.2 Medical Needs

  As is true for all of Burkina Faso, medical treatment is an area of great need. Throughout the Bwaba area, small dispensaries, where one can obtain very basic medical care, exist in a number of villages. However, two obstacles hinder those who need more urgent medical care: on the one hand, the distance to reach pharmacies, clinics, and hospitals, can be significant, and on the other hand, the means to pay for the treatment is often lacking. The clinics within reach of the Bwaba are in:

  • Fara and Poura, for those east of the Mouhoun; • Dano, Founzan, and Pâ, for those villages to the south of Founzan; • Bagassi, Koumbia, Houndé.

  Needless to say, most Bwaba live relatively far (often at least a 2–3 hour journey) from clinics, the result being that by the time the sick arrive for treatment, it can be too late.

1.7.3 Governmental Facilities in the Area

  The various departmental seatsprefectures often fall within the Bwamu-speaking area; nevertheless, this fact is less true in the area to the south of Pâ. In these offices, French and Jula are the languages used. Police checkpoints are not uncommon; French is the language of use here. Several police barracks are found within the Bwamu-speaking area—only in the area to the south of Pâ would one have to travel outside the area to find a policeman. Nevertheless, proficiency in either French or Jula is desirable.

1.8 Traditional Culture

1.8.1 History

  According to Voltz, it was the Bwaba who were the first ethnic group to settle in their region; it is quite likely that they have inhabited it for more than 1,000 years. He writes so well that until the 18th century, the southern Bwaba apparently enjoyed little conflict. This period of calm resulted in the Bwaba being able to develop cultural and societal patterns that were distinct from their neighbors’. In the last two centuries, however, both conflict and the facets of modernization have caused great changes in their society (Voltz 1979:13).

1.8.2 Attitude toward Culture

  Several facets of the Bwamu culture affect the sociolinguistic situation. An initial comment has to do with Bwamu decentralization. While all Bwaba are proud of their culture and language, there is nonetheless little hierarchical structure within the ethnic Several facets of the Bwamu culture affect the sociolinguistic situation. An initial comment has to do with Bwamu decentralization. While all Bwaba are proud of their culture and language, there is nonetheless little hierarchical structure within the ethnic

  Related to the matter of individualism within the group, it must be stated that the Bwaba are also somewhat independent with regard to neighbors. While nowadays they show little or no open antagonism to those of other ethnic groups, they state clearly that their culture and way of living are better, and that they wish to keep their own cultural practices. And in general, the Bwaba are happy with village life. According to those responding to our questionnaires, most prefer the life of the village to life away and in the big cities. As is the case of many Burkina ethnic groups, many young, especially men, spend a bit of time “seeking fortune” in Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, and Ghana. While it is impossible to know how many actually return to their home village, it would seem that a fairly high percentage do return after their money-making stint. A result of these stays is usually greater proficiency in Jula.

  A third characteristic is the overall good work ethic among the Bwaba, coupled with the afore-mentioned desire to learn.

  A final comment concerns the groups’ power-brokers. As mentioned earlier, decisions are made by a council of elders. It should be stated explicitly that in Bwaba society, the oldest men in a particular village have the greatest influence (Voltz 1979: 20).

1.8.3 Contact with Other Cultures

  In section 1.2, we noted factors that encouraged linguistic diversity in the past; conflicts with neighboring ethnic groups have contributed as well to the jumbled dialectal situation. Relations with the Mossi in particular have not always been good; in the past, there have been confrontations. These struggles are yet another factor that has led to the mixing of dialects in the southern language area: in the past, Bwaba were either displaced or felt pressured to relocate.

  Patterns of contact can be seen through a study of the masks used in the traditional religion. In the past, it appears that the southeastern area, basically that of the Twi, were somewhat influenced culturally by the Nuna, their neighbors to the east. While, the Dakwi, who dominate the western regions, have some Nuna influence, it is less apparent. Instead, one sees more definite ties to the Bobo-Madaré, who border the Dakwi to the west (Voltz 1979:38).

  Furthermore, increased contact usually translates in higher competency in a trade language. The Bwaba in the southern language region have a fair amount of such contact: in the east, with Nuna and Mossis; to the south, with Dagara, Puguli, and

  Vigué; to the west, with Bobo-Madaré (Bobo-Fing) and Jula; and to the north, with Mossi, Marka, and Winyé. It is especially in the area to the west of the Mouhoun River that contact translates into greater proficiency in Jula.

1.9 Linguistic Work in the Language Area

1.9.1 Work Accomplished in the Past

  As stated above, Manessy carried out an extensive survey some 30 years ago, helping to delineate the Bwamu dialect boundaries. He has also written other articles on the language. In the late 1970s, a team from the Société Internationale de Linguistique began work in the Boni area, publishing a paper on the phonology of the BoniBagassi dialect.

  Dr. Vinou Yé, a professor of linguistics at the University of Ouagadougou, has been a great resource and help in the studies of the Bwamu language. He has both published papers of his own and directed the research of others in the formal study of different Bwamu dialects. C. Botoni and J. K. Zongo are among those who have written on the language, focusing on the Karaba and Dédougou dialects respectively.

  See section 2 of the appendix for a listing of linguistic, historical, and anthropological works about the Bwaba.

1.9.2 Present Work

  Based on the data from a 1986 survey conducted by Bob and Anne Jackson, the SIL team of Sharyn Thomson and Ruth Allen began work in the Ouarkoye dialect in 1991, joined by Terttu Viinikkala in 1993. To this point, they have worked alongside the Bwamu Language Commission in developing an orthography and are currently preparing a paper on this dialect’s phonology. Certain SIL researchers have worked with the team for short periods, including Stephanie Douglas, Mary Grant, and Gillian Hibbert, concentrating on grammatical analysis. Leanne Nutting joined the team in 1995.

1.9.3 Materials Published in the Language

  The DPEBAM and SIL (mostly in the person of Terttu Viinikkala) are currently teaming up to carry out literacy campaigns in the vernacular in various Bwaba villages. This partnership has helped in the production of a primer (currently being revised), a songbook, 2 story books, 2 books on health, one on farming, helps for literacy teachers, and calendars. The Association Nationale pour la Traduction de la Bible et

  de l’Alphabétisation (ANTBA.) produced a Christian-themed primer. See section 3 in the appendix for a list of materials published in Bwamu.

2 Methodology

2.1 Sampling on the Macro Level

  The sites chosen for research were in large part based on information supplied from Ruth Allen and Fr. Georges Riffault. In order to achieve our goal of testing lexical The sites chosen for research were in large part based on information supplied from Ruth Allen and Fr. Georges Riffault. In order to achieve our goal of testing lexical

  Table 2.1.1 Village visited based on reported dialect boundaries

  Dialect

  ProvinceRégion

  BaléTuy (BagassiPâBoni)

  Boni

  Cwi

  Tuy (west of the Mouhoun River)

  Bonzan Bobo, Koti

  Balé (east of the Mouhoun River)

  Kabourou

  Dakwi, other southern Tuy

  Kongolikan, Sébédougou

2.2 Lexicostatistic Survey

  To determine the degree of lexicostatistic similarity, we elicited a 230 item word list, with various parts of speech included in it. As part of our second pass through each village, we checked discrepancies with data from contiguous dialects in order to avoid mistaken data and therefore achieve purer results. (See section 2 in the appendix for a complete list of the glosses and data.)

2.3 Dialect Intelligibility Survey

  In order to measure the degree of inherent intelligibility between speakers of the various dialects, we followed the methodology developed by E. Casad (1974), commonly referred to as the Recorded Text Test (RTT). The various steps are as follows:

  1. A text is elicited from a native speaker of Village A, a text as free as possible

  from objectionable subject matter and words borrowed from another language.

  2. A group of 12–15 questions are developed based on the text. These questions

  are recorded in the dialect of Village A and inserted into the text. From six to ten native speakers of the dialect of Village A listen to the text and respond to the questions, in order that any badly composed or misleading questions can

  be isolated and removed. The 10 best questions, to which almost all native speakers have responded correctly, are chosen for the final form of the test.

  9 Purported to be closely related to Ouarkoye dialect.

  3. The refined texttest of Village A is played in Village B, having recorded Village

  A’s questions in the dialect of Village B and inserted them in the text. At least

  10 speakers in Village B listen to the text, responding to the questions. Their cumulative scores on the recorded test are taken as the percentage of their intelligibility with the dialect of Village A.

  A note about sampling: in the testing process in Village B, it is very important to

  be aware of and guard against the influence of factors that may skew the results, and in particular, factors which may allow respondents to achieve higher scores. For example, it is important to choose candidates with very little or no previous contact with speakers of Village A. Such exposure may allow them to score higher on this test, one designed to measure inherent (natural) intelligibility. In table 3.2.1, it is the standard deviation column which signals high contact, and therefore learned intelligibility. A high (above

  1.6) standard deviation, a result of a wide range of test scores, suggests that some testees have “learned” to understand the speech tested. Learned intelligibility is generally not consistent within a population.

  Conversely, it is just as important to find candidates who can master the questionanswer technique of the Casad methodology. It is sometimes not an easy feat among those who have not gone to school.

2.4 Questionnaires

  We questioned two to four men from each village concerning both general demographic and general sociolinguistic matters. The subject matter covered by the questionnaires ranged from the ethnic composition and facilities in the area to perceived dialect differences, bilingualism, and language use. The men were chosen by the village’s government representative, and sometimes included the representative himself. Due to the surveyors’ not knowing the trade language and a desire to better monitor the questioning process, the questionnaires were carried out in French. We also interviewed available school teachers and religious leaders using prepared questionnaires. Results of the sociolinguistic questionnaires form the basis of much of our discussion below on dialect attitudes (3.1) and multilingualism (4).

2.5 Bilingualism Testing in Jula 10

  The Sentence Repetition Test (SRT) for the Jula language was developed by following the procedures of Radloff (1991). An SRT is comprised of 15 sentences, arranged in increasing order of difficulty. For each sentence answered correctly, 3 points are earned, with 45 being a maximum score. For each mistake, a point is subtracted from 3. The SRT, used to assess proficiency in Jula, was calibrated to a

  Reported Proficiency Evaluation (RPE). 11 The sample used to calibrate the SRT with

  the RPE consisted of 83 people who were both native and second language Jula

  10 Editor’s note: R. Berger and S. Showalter have contributed significantly to this section. 11 For a full description of the development of the Jula SRT, see Berthelette et al. 1995.

  speakers. They were volunteers found in the city of Ouagadougou.

  The regression equation for predicting RPE means from SRT means was:

  RPE = 1.94 + 0.0665 SRT

  This calibration allows for a prediction of RPE levels based on the SRT scores, according to table 2.5.1.

  Table 2.5.1 Predicted RPE level from SRT score.

  SRT score range RPE level equivalent 0–8

  A further comparison was done between the SRT scores and an oral proficiency exam using SIL’ s Second Language Oral Proficiency Evaluation (SLOPE) (SIL 1987).

  A subset of 25 of the most proficient speakers of the original sample was evaluated with this oral interview technique. It was found in this study that those scoring at or above 25 on the SRT could be reliably classed in SLOPE level 4; those scoring below

  25 were below SLOPE level 4. This particular level represents the ability to “use the language fluently and accurately on all levels normally pertinent to needs” (SIL 1987:34). The discrepancy between RPE and SLOPE evaluations in relation to SRT scores, along with broader issues concerning the interpretation of the SRT, are discussed at length in Hatfield, ms.

  In addition to the calibration effort, the completed SRT was given to a sample of reported native speakers of Jula in two villages of southwest Burkina, Péni and Sindou to provide a means of comparison between L1 and L2 speakers of Jula in Burkina. The collective mean SRT score from samples in both villages was 30.5, lower than expected but still corresponding to a high level of Jula competence. This gives us a baseline of comparison between native and non-native speakers of Jula, and allows us to say that scores of 30 and above indicate a competence level similar to that of native speakers, as measured by this test. A full report on the development of the Jula SRT in Burkina Faso can be found in Berthelette et al. 1995.

  Bwamu speakers were given the SRT to estimate their proficiency in Jula. The testers were instructed to visit a wide area in the village in order to make the sampling as representative as possible, using quotas based on sex and age.

  To understand the interacting influences of sex, age, and geographical location of villages on Jula proficiency, a factorial analysis of variance (ANOVA) statistical design was used on the SRT scores. This design was based on SRT data collected from both females and males whose ages were from 12 and up, and who lived in 10 villages. The specific factors examined were age with three levels: 12–25, 26–45, and 46+ years; villages with 10 levels; and sex with two levels. Interacting effects among these factors were examined. The specific ANOVA selected for the analysis was the General Linear Model (GLM) because the requirement of a balanced design was not a precondition for its use. A balanced ANOVA design requires equal numbers of subjects at all factor levels. Another unique feature of the GLM is that it considers the correlation coefficients among age, sex, and villages. These relationships were examined by regression analysis which involves correlational analyses. The GLM makes adjustments in the factor level means and standard deviations which are predicted from the correlated data.

  Differences between factor level means which occurred by chance 5 or less were considered statistically significant. In probability terms, if mean differences in SRT scores occurred by chance five times or less out of 100 times between levels of a factor they would be considered statistically significant. In that case, the factor level with the largest mean would be considered more bilingual than the other level. If statistical significance was found among three or more levels, the Tukey test was used to determine which means were significantly different from each other.

  In general, language groups having the SRT means below 16 (level 3 on RPE scale) were prioritized for minority language development while language groups with significantly higher SRT means had a lower priority. Of course, attitudinal factors were also considered when priorities were determined (Bergman 1989:9.5.2). 12

3 Comprehension and Lexicostatistical Data (between villages)

3.1 Reported Dialect Groupings

  It is always interesting—and challenging—to try to pinpoint how villagers perceive their own ability to understand other languages or dialects. Just as challenging is the attempt in table 3.1.1 to summarize the Bwaba opinions.

  12 In 1989, the Summer Institute of Linguistics’ Area Directors and Vice Presidents established the language assessment criteria for the organization. This work is a set of

  standards for such domains as dialect intelligibility, bilingual ability, etc., in an attempt to guide decision-making as to the need for language development in specific situations.

  Table 3.1.1 Reported self-evaluation of intelligibility between Bwamu dialects

  Respondent’s

  Dialect in

  Reported Comprehension

  Easy to understand.

  (dialect closely

  Laa laa

  Hard to follow conversation; can discern the topic of

  related to

  conversation.

  Ouarkoye’s) This information

  Dakwi

  After Ouarkoye, is easiest to understand; can

  supplied by our guide.

  understand most of what is said.

  Cwi

  Is this Bwamu?

  Cwi

  Ouarkoye

  Hard to follow conversations: can pick up certain words.

  Laa laa

  Somewhat easier to understand than Ouarkoye, though many are not able to decipher it because of differences in pronunciation.

  Dakwi

  Some have learned to understand it, some have not; in general, is more difficult than Laa laa .

  Dakwiother

  Ouarkoye

  Ouarkoye dialect is the easiest to understand—the

  southern dialects

  closest to their own.

  (supposedly more

  Laa laa

  Hard to follow conversations.

  closely related to Ouarkoye

  Cwi

  East of the Mouhoun River, they have less trouble with

  dialect)

  Cwi than with Laa laa. In the HoundéKoumbia region, they have difficulty with Laa laa, and have little contact with Cwi.

  other

  From Karaba southward, the dialects become more difficult to understand. Those in Karaba have trouble with the Sébédougou dialect. According to those in Sébédougou, those in Kongolikan and Gombélédougou are difficult to understand, though the others can understand the Sébédougou dialect. The dialect in Mougué is the worst of all.

  Mamou

  Ouarkoye

  Fairly easy to understand, and easier to understand than Laa laa .

  Laa laa

  Fairly easy to understand.

  Dakwi

  Have little contact with it.

  Cwi

  Have little contact with it.

  In summary, the Bwaba from the different dialect regions have definite opinions regarding differences in speech. As we shall see in sections 3.2 and 3.3, these opinions generally fall in line with results from the Recorded Text Test.

  Regarding attitudes, we note as well that the different groups are proud of their dialects; they do not feel the need to adapt their dialects to another. A concrete Regarding attitudes, we note as well that the different groups are proud of their dialects; they do not feel the need to adapt their dialects to another. A concrete

  laa and Cwi speakers express the strongest attachments to their speech. Underlining a

  trend in the table 3.1.1, the Cwi dialect is generally regarded by others as difficult and strange.

  Concerning Cwi, those who answered our questions left the impression that they were as proud or prouder of their dialect affiliation than of their ties with the larger Bwamu community.

3.2 Results of the Recorded Text Tests

  While it is true that some learning of other dialects takes place through contact, few Bwaba seem to have the opportunity to do this. Thus, we are faced with the need for verifiable data to see if the Ouarkoye materials should be adapted, doing so in order to provide the southern dialects with the best possible opportunity to learn to read and write in their own language. Linguists who have worked with the Recorded Text Test have debated the threshold of comprehension speakers of one dialect must attain if they are to be reasonably expected to profit from literacy materials and a translation of the Scriptures. An accepted minimum threshold for the Summer Institute of Linguistics is 75 (Bergman 1990:9.5.2).

  Table 3.2.1 summarizes the results of the Recorded Text Test among the target villages.

  Table 3.2.1 Results of the Recorded Text Test

  Test Conducted in:

  Text of Which

  Number

  Number

  Percent Standard

  Village (province is

  of

  of Males Compre- Deviation 13

  included in

  Females Tested

  hension (expressed as

  parentheses):

  Tested

  a percentage)

  KOUMBIA (Sissili)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  (Mouhoun) Karaba (Houet)

  Boni (Houet)

  Kongolikan (Houet)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  KABOUROU (Sissili) Kabourou (Sissili)

  (Mouhoun) Boni (Houet)

  (Bougouriba) Koti (Bougouriba

  KOTI (Bougouriba)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  (Mouhoun) Karaba (Houet)

  Boni (Houet)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  13 A s stated above, it is the standard deviation column which signals high contact, and therefore learned intelligibility. A high (above 16 percentage points) standard deviation, a result

  of a wide range of test scores, suggests that some testees have “learned” to understand the speech tested.

  Test Conducted in:

  Text of Which

  Number

  Number

  Percent Standard

  Village (province is

  of

  of Males Compre- Deviation

  included in

  Females Tested

  hension (expressed as

  parentheses):

  Tested

  a percentage)

  BONI (Houet)

  Boni (Houet)

  (Mouhoun) Karaba (Houet)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  (Bougouriba) Koti (Bougouriba)

  KARABA (Houet)

  Karaba (Houet)

  (Mouhoun) Boni (Houet)

  (Bougouriba) Koumbia (Sissili)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  MAMOU (Mouhoun)

  Mamou (Mouhoun)

  (Mouhoun) Boni (Houet)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  SEBEDOUGOU

  Sébédougou (Houet) 9 1 98.5 2.3

  (Mouhoun) Karaba (Houet)

  Boni (Houet)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  Test Conducted in:

  Text of Which

  Number

  Number

  Percent Standard

  Village (province is

  of

  of Males Compre- Deviation

  included in

  Females Tested

  hension (expressed as

  parentheses):

  Tested

  a percentage)

  KONGOLIKAN

  Kongolikan (Houet)

  (Mouhoun) Karaba (Houet)

  Boni (Houet)

  Koumbia (Sissili)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  How do we interpret the above figures? I will underline again two of the main goals of the survey:

  ♦ to gather basic information about the Bwaba in the southern Bwamu-speaking

  region, about whom very little was known; and ♦ to test for both the lexical similarity and the degree of inherent intelligibility of

  Ouarkoye dialect by Bwamu speakers in the south.

  Regarding the second goal of the survey, it is very clear looking at table 3.2.1, that subjects in various villages had difficulty with the Ouarkoye text. Of the villages tested, only in Sébédougou was the inherent intelligibility above 80, and only in Mamou and Karaba was the intelligibility above 70. The conclusion, therefore, is that Ouarkoye materials need to be adapted for the southern region: using these materials without dialect adaptation for literacy and language development may have the negative consequence of discouragement in learning to read in Bwamu.

  Let us consider at this point a third goal of the survey: ♦ in the event of insufficient comprehension between speakers of the south and

  those of the north, to determine a possible second site for language development work.

  How do the survey results speak to this goal? Considering again the data from, table 3.2.1, we note that:

  1. Regarding the Laa laa (BagassiBoniPâ) text, it is best understood by speakers from Mamou, Koti (Cwi), and Karaba (related to Dakwi) speakers. Nevertheless, in 1. Regarding the Laa laa (BagassiBoniPâ) text, it is best understood by speakers from Mamou, Koti (Cwi), and Karaba (related to Dakwi) speakers. Nevertheless, in

  uniform throughout the dialect regions. On one hand, the percentages for villages of both dialects located east of the Mouhoun River—Kabourou (Cwi) and Koumbia (Dakwi)—lie between 50 and 60. Likewise, percentages for Dakwi-related villages in the west—namely Kongolikan and Sébédougou—lie in that same 50–

  60 range. 14 Therefore, the conclusion we draw is that the Laa laa,

  BagassiBoniPâ dialect needs its own literacy materials, but is itself not suitable for either Cwi or Dakwi dialects.

  2. Regarding the Dakwi (Koumbia) text, neither Laa laa nor Cwi speakers sufficiently

  understood it—the percentages lie between 40 and 50. We expect that Cwi speakers have learned the Dakwi dialect to varying degrees—some may even understand it fluently. Nevertheless, this kind of learned intelligibility results mostly from interdialectal contact and is not uniform among a village’s inhabitants.

  3. Regarding the Cwi (Koti and Bonzan) texts, it is again the case that they are not sufficiently understood by either speakers of the Laa laa or Dakwi dialects. The inhabitants of Koumbia (Dakwi) have the highest intelligibility, at 69.5; an offsetting factor is that Koumbia lies 2 km from Toné, a Cwi village. Toné is the village which Koumbia residents must cross to reach the main road, the village in which Koumbia children attend school, and the village in which the closest large market is held. This is probably another case of learned intelligibility, albeit that the standard deviation is not excessively high.

  4. The speakers of Mamou may find materials in the Laa laa dialect to be more suitable. 15

3.3 Percentage Chart of Apparent Cognates

  Table 3.3.1 is the cognate percentage chart, an analysis of apparent cognates based on our word list data. While the percentages do not strongly reinforce the scores from the RTT, neither do they undermine those results. To put it simply, when comparing one Bwamu dialect to another, the percentage of lexical similarity is not high. The word lists were verified in order to best assure that differences did not simply involve the use of synonyms.

  14 We group Sébédougou and Kongolikan in the Dakwi dialect on the basis of the results of the Recorded Text Test. In both cases, the percentage of inherent intelligibility lies well

  above the 80 threshold, a surprising fact considering the geographical distance separating the two villages. It is also surprising to find that Koumbia residents had great difficulty with the Kongolikan text. We note, however, that inhabitants of neither Sébédougou nor Kongolikan profess to being a part of a Dakwi subgroup of Bwamu.

  15 It is on the basis of the Recorded Text Test results that we include the population figures of Mamou and its surrounding villages with the figures of the BagassiPâBoni dialect in

  table 1.1 in the appendix.

  Table 3.3.1 Overall Lexical Similarity Percentages for the 1995 Bwamu Survey

  Ouarkoye (Houet)

  68 Karaba (Houet)

  52 52 Mamou (Houet)

  56 62 58 Boni (Houet)

  57 58 47 53 Sébédougou (Houet)

  56 56 43 54 69 Koumbia (Sissili)

  53 51 43 48 66 67 Kongolikan (Houet)

  41 42 40 45 47 53 44 Koti (Bougouriba)

  40 39 38 43 45 52 43 94 Kabourou (Sissili)

  Table 3.3.2 shows more clearly the groupings of the highest lexical similarity percentages. These figures coincide with both personal evaluations (section 3.1) and Recorded Text Test scores (section 3.2). Note, however, that these figures are lower than expected. It is our experience that word list percentages within a dialect group generally lie at 80 or higher.

  Table 3.3.2 Lexical Similarity Percentages Grouped According to Dialects

  Ouarkoye (Houet)

  Sébédougou (Houet)

  Koti (Bougouriba)

  68 Karaba (Houet)

  69 Koumbia (Sissili)

  94 Kabourou (Sissili)

  66 67 Kongolikan (Houet)

  For complete word lists for the villages in table 3.3.2, see section 2 in the appendix.

3.4 Areas for Further Study

  Several questions remain after the survey. For example, we were not able to visit two villages: Mougué and Naouya. In response to questions, villagers from Kabourou state that the inhabitants of Naouya speak a dialect similar to that of Bagassi. Inhabitants of Sébédougou simply state that the dialect of Mougué is hard to understand. Nevertheless, a language team in the area could study these dialects further.

  A second matter has to do with the lower than expected percentages of lexical similarity. What will more in-depth study in the dialects show?

  Furthermore, it should be noted that in five to ten years, the sociolinguistic situation should again be evaluated. Attitudes and dialect use can change, sometimes quite rapidly.

4 Multilingual Issues

4.1 Language Use Description

4.1.1 Children’s Language Use

  The language of all Bwaba homes, according to the Bwaba who answered our questions, is Bwamu. Of course, most villages have at least one sector of inhabitants of another ethnic group. Therefore, many Bwaba children learn to speak a second language, be it Nuni, Jula, or Mooré (in villages east of the Mouhoun River) or Jula (elsewhere), to a functional level, because of school, market, and normal village contact. A key question included in our questionnaires is whether many village children learn to speak a second language before age 7. Only in Karaba did the respondent answer “yes”, thus signalling little need and motivation to learn a second language at an early age.

4.1.2 Adult Language Use