DISCUSSION OF KEY FINDINGS

DISCUSSION OF KEY FINDINGS

In this study, the main purpose was to identify and describe children’s experiences of learning in government schools in Brunei. The phenomenographical analysis revealed three categories of description depicting a range of qualitatively different ways in which learning was experienced by the children who participated in this study. Each of these categories of description is discussed now in terms of their relationship to the literature and in light of the new education system in Brunei.

Learning as acquiring information

In this category, learning was experienced as acquiring information. The children’s focus of awareness was to gain information and add to what they already know about a subject. According to some children, concentrating helped them to acquire information. These children acknowledged the importance of paying attention, listening to the teacher’s explanations and watching what the teacher does in class in order to gain information.

Learning, as acquiring information, fits with a more quantitative conception of learning in which the aggregation of information is central (Marton & Booth, 1997). In Bazilah’s words, ‘It is what we have to do. We learn new information. We must learn to acquire information’ (Interview Phase 1). The focus on aggregating information is similar to the features outlined in Säljö’s (1979) ‘learning as increasing knowledge’ and Marton et al.’s (1993) ‘learning as increasing one’s knowledge’. A similar finding was also noted in Purdie’s (1994) and Vermunt’s (1996) findings. Marton et al. (1993) argued that the ‘increase in one’s knowledge’ is the basic conception of learning from which all other conceptions develop. In the current study, however, there was no evidence that ‘acquiring information’ was the basis from which Category 2 and Category 3 developed, which means that the relationship between the categories is not hierarchical.

Although it was not foregrounded, some children talked about the importance of concentrating in order to acquire information. Concentrating includes listening to the teacher’s explanations and watching what the teacher does in the classroom. Both acts of learning indicated that the children engaged in surface approaches to learning (Marton & Säljö, 1976a, 1976b) where new facts and ideas were received without being questioned. The purpose of concentrating was to gain new information in class. This category demonstrates a link between quantitative conception and surface approach to learning. In the literature, quantitative conceptions of learning have been closely linked to surface approaches to learning (see for example Marton, Dall’Alba & Beaty, 1993; Marton & Säljö, 1976a, 1976b). Surface approaches to learning refer to the use of ‘low‐level strategies’ (Tang, 1994, p. 6) such as ‘rote learning, memorisation and reproduction’ (Gijbels, Segers & Struyf, 2008, p. 433).

In the background of this category (external horizon) was the notion that teaching and learning was highly teacher‐centred. Teachers played an active role in transmitting information while the children played a seemingly less active role in learning. This is consistent with the predominance of traditional teaching methods in government schools in Brunei. Researchers such as Attwood and Bray (1989), Azharaini (1986) and Burns and Upex (2002) have described typical lessons in Brunei as teacher‐centred and didactic where teachers talk and children listen. In a recent observation of classroom practices, Kitson (2002) noted that, ‘Brunei classrooms do not encourage discussion or conversational exchange of ideas’ (p. 36). However, In the background of this category (external horizon) was the notion that teaching and learning was highly teacher‐centred. Teachers played an active role in transmitting information while the children played a seemingly less active role in learning. This is consistent with the predominance of traditional teaching methods in government schools in Brunei. Researchers such as Attwood and Bray (1989), Azharaini (1986) and Burns and Upex (2002) have described typical lessons in Brunei as teacher‐centred and didactic where teachers talk and children listen. In a recent observation of classroom practices, Kitson (2002) noted that, ‘Brunei classrooms do not encourage discussion or conversational exchange of ideas’ (p. 36). However,

21 is likely to pose a challenge for teachers in primary schools to adopt teaching methods that are child‐centred. The feasibility of a child‐centred approach in an examination ‐oriented education system is an issue that the Ministry of Education may need to consider when fully implementing SPN 21 in 2009. Indeed, in addition to acquiring information, some children were also concerned with doing well in examinations. This was the focus of Category 2, that is, learning as remembering information.

Learning as remembering information

In Category 2, children were focused (internal horizon) on gaining good marks in examinations. The indirect object or the intention of this category was also focused on marks in exams. This means that, for this category, the main focus (internal horizon) was on the intention to gain good marks (indirect object). This same relationship between what was foregrounded and the indirect object of learning was discerned in Category 1, but not in Category 3. The similar pattern between

Category 1 and Category 2 illustrates a link that relates the two qualitatively different ways of experiencing learning. The act of learning in Category 2 was experienced as ‘studying’. The direct object or the ‘What’ aspect of learning in this category was focused on exam subjects such as mathematics, science, English, Malay, geography and history.

Like Category 1, learning, as remembering information, fits with a quantitative conception of learning that is focused on reproducing information for the purpose of scoring good examination marks. In describing learning as remembering information, most children in the study emphasised the importance of studying, which includes reading repeatedly and practising independently or with friends. Memorisation and repetition, according to the children, helped them to gain good marks in examinations. Learning, as remembering or memorising, was also evident in studies involving university students (Marton et al., 1993; Säljö, 1979) and secondary school students (Purdie, 1994). Similar to the primary school children in Brunei, university and secondary school students in Marton et al.’s British (1993) and Purdie’s Australian (1994) studies also used repetition to help them to memorise information.

This category relates to previous findings that link Asian learners, in particular Chinese or Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) learners, to the experience of learning as memorising. In previous studies, researchers such as Samuelowickz (1987), Kember and Gow (1991), Biggs (1996) and Watkins and Biggs (1996) noted the This category relates to previous findings that link Asian learners, in particular Chinese or Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) learners, to the experience of learning as memorising. In previous studies, researchers such as Samuelowickz (1987), Kember and Gow (1991), Biggs (1996) and Watkins and Biggs (1996) noted the

The current study adds to the growing body of cross‐cultural research on students’ conceptions of learning and their approaches to learning, by providing insights into the ways in which a group of children in an Islamic, South East Asian country experience learning. In a country where Islam plays a significant role in its educational context, children’s approaches to learning may have been influenced by the ways in which they learn verses from the Quran. As briefly discussed in Chapter

1, children listen to an expert’s recitation of the verses and repeat what they have heard until they can memorise the correct pronunciation of the verses. These methods of listening to an expert, repeating and memorising are regarded by parents as an effective way of learning Arabic verses from the Quran (Asmah, 2001). The correct pronunciation of verses is essential for use in the five‐times‐daily prayer. At a very young age, children are not obliged to understand the meanings of the verses because such comprehension may come later as the children grow older. The ways in which Bruneian children approach learning may have also been influenced by the socio‐hierarchical structure in which children have been trained to respect their elders at an early age. Respect for elders is very important among the Malay Muslim community in Brunei. Children who obey their teachers’ 1, children listen to an expert’s recitation of the verses and repeat what they have heard until they can memorise the correct pronunciation of the verses. These methods of listening to an expert, repeating and memorising are regarded by parents as an effective way of learning Arabic verses from the Quran (Asmah, 2001). The correct pronunciation of verses is essential for use in the five‐times‐daily prayer. At a very young age, children are not obliged to understand the meanings of the verses because such comprehension may come later as the children grow older. The ways in which Bruneian children approach learning may have also been influenced by the socio‐hierarchical structure in which children have been trained to respect their elders at an early age. Respect for elders is very important among the Malay Muslim community in Brunei. Children who obey their teachers’

As described in Chapter 2, previous cross‐cultural studies involving CHC learners have identified a link between memorisation and understanding (Au & Entwistle, 1999; Dart et al., 2000; Entwistle & Entwistle, 2003; Marton, Wen & Wong, 2005). In these studies, CHC learners used memorisation to enhance understanding and vice versa. Hence, two types of memorisation were identified, namely: ‘rote memorisation’ and ‘meaningful memorisation’ (Marton, Wen & Wong, 2005, p. 291). Marton, Wen and Wong (2005) assert that the latter can be divided further into two groups: ‘understanding followed by memorisation’ and ‘memorisation and understanding simultaneously with the two seen as two sides of the same coin’ (p. 291). The relation between understanding and memorisation, however, was not evident in the current study. Although there were instances where some children used the term understanding to describe their learning experiences, these children had used the term understanding to denote remembering. These children did not see understanding as a meaning‐making experience. Rather, the term understanding was equated to repetition, and so, this reflects the first of Marton et al.’s (2005) ‘rote memorisation’ category (p. 291). In the words of Lukman,

I: What tells you that you’ve understood something in class? P: Umm [long pause] when the things that I’ve learnt are in my head…

I: ‘In your head’ [pause]? Can you tell me more about that?

P: In my brain [pause]

I: Umm [pause] tell me more, what do you mean? P: [Silence]

I: Like, umm [pause] what do you do to understand something? P: When I understand something, it means I can remember the things that

I’ve learnt in class.

I: So, when, umm [long pause] is ‘remembering’ the same as ‘understanding something’?

P: Yes [pause]

I: Can you tell me why they are the same? P: Umm [long pause] because, if I remember something, then that means I

know what we’ve learnt in class and I understand it. (Lukman, Interview Phase 2)

In this excerpt, Lukman explained that understanding something means he can remember the things that he has learnt in class. Whether or not the children in Brunei use remembering to enhance understanding warrants further investigation. The children in this study may have found it difficult to articulate the understanding component of this category.

The external horizon of this category is limited to academic achievement. The Brunei education system which is highly academic and examination‐oriented may well have influenced the children’s conception of learning as remembering information. According to Gijbels, Segers and Struyf (2008), surface approaches such as rote learning, memorisation and reproduction are strongly linked to tests and examinations. Indeed, the traditional teaching methods that are commonly The external horizon of this category is limited to academic achievement. The Brunei education system which is highly academic and examination‐oriented may well have influenced the children’s conception of learning as remembering information. According to Gijbels, Segers and Struyf (2008), surface approaches such as rote learning, memorisation and reproduction are strongly linked to tests and examinations. Indeed, the traditional teaching methods that are commonly

The new education system (SPN 21) will remain examination‐oriented, even though it espouses a child‐centred approach to learning. Figure 25 illustrates the lack of change in terms of examination structure at primary school level in the new education system (SPN 21). While there are changes to the examination structure at the secondary school level, the Primary School Assessment (PSA) examination, or Penilaian Sekolah Rendah (PSR) in Malay, will remain in the new education system (see Figure 24). Given the strong link between examinations (comprising factual questions) and rote learning, it could be expected that not many changes will occur in the ways in which teachers teach in primary schools. The lack of change in examination structure at primary school level questions the rhetoric behind the Ministry of Education’s assertion that states ‘children should learn by doing and discovering’ (Ministry of Education, 2007b, p. 11). A guideline on how children can learn by doing and discovering while preparing for examinations is needed in order to clarify the Ministry’s stance with regard to children’s learning. A clear guideline may help teachers understand the direction of the new education system and adjust their teaching approaches accordingly.

Figure 25. The difference between the current education system and SPN 21

Retaining the PSA examination implies that a child’s success in primary school will

be determined by how well they perform in the exam. In this respect, the PSA examination puts considerable pressure on children in Brunei to gain good marks in examinations. Such pressure may influence children to use memorisation as a way to help them score good marks in examinations, as questions in PSA are typically be determined by how well they perform in the exam. In this respect, the PSA examination puts considerable pressure on children in Brunei to gain good marks in examinations. Such pressure may influence children to use memorisation as a way to help them score good marks in examinations, as questions in PSA are typically

A study in Singapore reported on how children feel about academic pressure (Wong, 2003). Like Brunei, Singapore has an examination‐oriented education system. While there is a lack of research investigating how children experience academic pressure in Brunei, Singapore offers findings that can be related to the Brunei context. In Singapore, Sharpe (2002) and Wong (2003) highlighted how academic pressure is being placed on children as early as Primary 1. Singaporean schools place heavy emphasis on academic adjustment in an examination‐oriented education system. Wong (2003) reported that children in Primary 1 expressed concern about ‘the amount of homework they had to finish everyday and the endless tests and examinations they had to finish during the year’ (p. 93). In other study by Yeo and Clarke (2005), Primary 1 children in Singapore described school as

a serious place of learning. The best part of school, according to these children, was the opportunity to learn and do well in certain subjects and the worst part of school for them was not being able to do the work expected in specific subjects. Based on these findings, Yeo and Clarke (2006) argue that, for primary school children in Asia, ‘being able to cope academically is a measure of school success and a mark of positive adjustment’ (p. 56). In trying to cope with the pressure of doing well academically in schools, children may focus on ways that can help them to gain good marks in examinations and overlook other aspects of learning such as play and creativity.

Unless the education system in Brunei is structured in such a way that accommodates child‐centred learning including creativity and problem‐solving, there may be little change in the ways in which children conceive of learning and approach learning tasks in the future. Nevertheless, there is evidence in this study that teachers try to implement child‐centred activities in schools, with some children describing their learning experiences as doing hands‐on activities in Category 3.

Learning as doing hands‐on activities

In this final category, children were focused (internal horizon) on hands‐on activities. Doing hands‐on activities refers to the act of learning in this category. This link between what is foregrounded in awareness and the act of learning differentiates this category from Category 1 and Category 2. In Category 1 and Category 2, children were focused on the intentions (indirect object) of learning. Despite the differences, each category of description forms part of the same phenomenon, that is, learning in the context of government schools in Brunei. The indirect object of learning or intention in this category was focused on doing projects such as experiments while the ‘What’ aspect of learning was focused on topics that offer opportunities for children to engage in hands‐on activities.

This category demonstrates that the children experienced some child‐centred activities in class. Some children said that they enjoyed doing these activities and This category demonstrates that the children experienced some child‐centred activities in class. Some children said that they enjoyed doing these activities and

I: So, you like doing [hands‐on] activities as well? P: Yes, they’re not boring [pause]

I: Do they help you to learn the topics better? P: Yes.

I: Do they help you in the exam as well? P: Not really.

I: Why is that? P: Because exams do not have puzzles [pause] (Bazilah, Interview Phase 2)

Based on the children’s descriptions of the projects they do in class, active participation in these hands‐on activities did not require the use of higher‐order thinking or problem‐solving skills. Rather, projects such as experiments were part of the children’s workbook exercises in which questions were outlined for the children to answer accordingly. Hani explained as follows,

P: Umm no [pause] ah I like science [pause] err because umm [pause] it’s about being creative [pause] like [pause] we do stuff.

I: Can you give me examples of the stuff that you have done?

P: Like [pause] umm [pause] like [pause] experiments.

I: Can you give me examples of these experiments? P: Umm experiments like [pause] umm [pause] soluble stuff [pause] you

know when you put them in water [pause] like salt and sugar [pause] they disappear [pause] umm that’s all.

I: What else did you do while learning about stuff that are soluble? P: We put some sugar into a glass of water [pause] mixed them and then

we did a written exercise on it in the workbook [pause] (Hani, Interview Phase 1)

Learning as doing hands‐on activities was not evident in research related to university and secondary school students’ conceptions of learning. As briefly discussed in Chapter 2, the absence of learning as doing in British university and Australian secondary school students’ conceptions of learning may have been due to their capacity to distinguish between doing an activity and learning. Older groups of students, according to Marton et al. (1993), are able to understand that the learning process involves more complex activities such as thinking than merely doing hands‐on activities.

CONTRIBUTION TO CURRENT UNDERSTANDINGS ABOUT CHILDREN’S