Conceptions of learning held by upper pr

DARUSSALAM

Jainatul Halida Jaidin

BA (Hons) Primary Education (Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei) MEd Primary Education (Brunel University, London)

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Learning Innovation Faculty of Education Queensland University of Technology

2009

Keywords

Phenomenography; primary education; children’s conceptions of learning; Brunei; government schools

Abstract

The current study examined the conceptions of learning held by upper primary children in government schools in Brunei. Previous studies have shown that the conceptions of learning held by students influence the ways in which they approach learning tasks and, in turn, impact on their learning outcomes. However, the majority of these studies were carried out with university and secondary school students, with little research involving primary school children. A phenomenographic research approach was used to describe the qualitatively different ways in which a group of sixteen upper primary children experienced learning in two government schools in Brunei. Data were gathered using scenario‐ based semi‐structured interviews. Iterative cycles of analysis revealed three categories of description depicting three qualitatively different ways in which the children experienced the phenomenon. The three categories of description were: learning as acquiring information (Category 1), learning as remembering information (Category 2) and learning as doing hands‐on activities (Category 3). These categories indicate a variation in the ways in which upper primary children experience learning in government schools in Brunei. The conceptions of learning held by the children provide a platform from which educators and policy‐makers can consider possibilities for meaningful learning in government schools in Brunei.

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List of Abbreviations

ASI Approaches to Studying Inventory CDD Curriculum Development Department CfBT Centre for British Teachers CoLI Conceptions of Learning Inventory IB International Baccalaureate PBL Problem‐Based Learning PSA Primary School Assessment

SPN st 21 21 Century Education System or Sistem Pendidikan Negara 21 SPQ Study Process Questionnaire

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights UHREC University Human Research Ethics Committee UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisations UNICEF United Nations Children’s Funds

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Authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature: _________________________

Date: _________________________

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Acknowledgments

This entire study would not have been possible without the generous scholarship granted by the Government of His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah and the support given by Universiti Brunei Darussalam (UBD) to undertake the PhD program in Queensland University of Technology, Australia.

I would like to express my heartiest gratitude to my three wonderful supervisors, Associate Professor Joanne Brownlee, Professor Ann Farrell and Dr Mandy Lupton. This thesis would not be complete without their professional input and support. I am privileged to have had the opportunity to learn from Jo, Ann and Mandy. Throughout my PhD journey, they have provided emotional as well as professional support from which I gained strength to go on and complete this thesis. I am also grateful to my mentor, Dr Lyndal O’Gorman, for her valued advice and assistance.

I would like to thank Dr Terrance Sullivan (Head of Department, Department of Educational Foundations, UBD), Dr Hjh Asmah Hj Morni and Dr Masitah Shahrill for their encouragement and moral support. I must thank my PhD colleagues, Joe Ireland, Mallihai Tambyah, Terry Harding and Zui Neofa for sharing this PhD journey with me. Knowing that there were other people who were in the same boat as I did helped a great deal to get me going each day.

Throughout this study, I have been blessed with the love and support of my dearest parents, sisters, brother and husband. To my parents, Jaidin and Halimah, your unconditional love and prayers have made this long journey away from home bearable. To my siblings, thank you for always understanding and reminding me that life is what we make of it. To my husband, thank you for always caring and encouraging me to go on in this journey.

Last but not least, to all of the children involved in this study, thank you for giving me the opportunity to learn about your learning experiences in school. This thesis would not be as it is without your input, and to all of you, I dedicate this thesis.

Chapter 1: Introduction

This study investigated the conceptions of learning held by upper primary children in government schools in Brunei Darussalam (henceforth called Brunei). A group of sixteen upper primary children from two government schools in Brunei participated in this study and their conceptions of learning are explored in this thesis. This chapter gives a background to the study and sets it in its educational, religious and social context. The chapter also outlines the study’s purpose, rationale and design along with the research question.

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

This study focuses on the ways in which upper primary children experience learning in government schools in Brunei. Finding ways to encourage meaningful learning has become a growing concern for many nations (Carlsson‐Paige & Lantieri, 2005), including Brunei. The emphasis on meaningful learning has also been highlighted by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in its Framework for Rights‐based, Child ‐friendly Educational Systems and Schools (UNICEF, 2008). The framework acknowledges children’s rights to a basic education of good quality and stresses the need to help children to learn to face the challenges of the new century.

The st type of learning required for the 21 century has become more complex than simply acquiring and applying knowledge. Abilities such as working cooperatively as

a team, evaluating real‐life situations and synthesising solutions are skills that children need in order to deal with new challenges. In the words of Hildebrand, Mulcahy and Wilks (2001),

Students of today face a future that will be very different, in unimagined way, from the present. They will need to be flexible and cope easily with diversity and ambiguity. They may be asked to function in both local and global communities, arriving at […] decisions after due consideration of evidence and possibilities. They will be expected to work in innovative ways as members of professional learning teams, actively researching their practice and contributing to the growth of these teams […] The problems that they will encounter […] in other learning contexts, will require cross disciplinary thinking and complex problem‐defining and resolving skills. (p. 1)

UNICEF’s (2008) Framework for Rights‐based, Child‐friendly Educational Systems and Schools places a strong emphasis on the significant role that schools play in the lives of children as learners. The framework outlines two basic characteristics of a rights ‐based and child‐friendly school: one that actively identifies excluded children to include them in learning; and, one that acts in the best interest of the child in which teaching approaches and the curriculum content are focused on the quality UNICEF’s (2008) Framework for Rights‐based, Child‐friendly Educational Systems and Schools places a strong emphasis on the significant role that schools play in the lives of children as learners. The framework outlines two basic characteristics of a rights ‐based and child‐friendly school: one that actively identifies excluded children to include them in learning; and, one that acts in the best interest of the child in which teaching approaches and the curriculum content are focused on the quality

The Ministry of Education in Brunei is committed to providing good quality education to all children. As part of the government’s effort to improve the quality of educational services in Brunei, the Ministry of Education devised a Strategic Plan 2007 ‐2011. The Strategic Plan 2007‐2011 ‘is a contextual framework for development to be undertaken by the Ministry of Education in order to provide and develop high quality education services for the future of the nation’ (p. 4). It aims to capitalise on learning as a renewable resource that supports the development of the nation. Several strategies outlined in the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2007‐2011 include a flexible curriculum at all levels of education, new kinds of teacher training and, use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to enhance the teaching and learning processes (Ministry of Education, 2007). The Strategic Plan 2007 ‐2011 also states that a flexible education system that accommodates children’s needs as learners is necessary.

Through the Strategic Plan 2007‐2011, a new national education system was introduced, st formally referred to as The National Education System for the 21

Century, codenamed SPN 21. As a framework for development, the Strategic Plan 2007 ‐2011 is focused on providing ‘a holistic education system of an international standard that comprises educational programs with a relevant and balanced curriculum which will develop students to their fullest potential’ (Ministry of

Education, 2007, p. 6). The new education system is still in its preliminary phase. Full implementation of the new education system takes effect in the year 2009. The new education system has a different structure. Students will go through four stages of schooling, namely: primary education (age 6‐11 years), secondary education (age 12‐16 years), post‐secondary education (17 years) and finally, tertiary education. In the new structure, students at secondary level will complete

a 4‐year programme or 5‐year programme before they sit for GCE ‘O’ Level examination. All secondary school students will follow a common curriculum in Year 7 (Form 1) and Year 8 (Form 2) before being channelled to a General Education Programme or an Applied Education Programme. The structure of the new education system is presented in Figure 1.

In the new education system, children will sit for a public examination at the end of their primary school years (Primary School Assessment) and their results will be used to determine the path that they will take for secondary education. Five subjects from the upper primary level are examined in the Primary School Assessment (PSA) examination, namely: English, Malay, mathematics, science and general paper (a combination of history and geography). Most questions in PSA examination comprise factual questions that require children to memorise and recall information. There are few questions that require application and problem‐ solving, based on the researcher’s experience as a primary school teacher, and children often find these types of questions very difficult to answer.

In Brunei, PSA is the children’s first major public examination in their schooling years (see Figure 1). This makes the upper primary level an important phase in a child’s primary school years. In terms of structure, the new education system remains examination‐oriented. It is mandatory for all students to undergo examinations that determine their selection, placement and promotion at various phases during their school years.

Figure st 1. Structure of the 21 century national education system

The new education system is one of the Ministry’s most recent efforts to improve the quality of educational services in Brunei. It includes a Teaching and Learning Excellence program in which teachers are encouraged to ‘employ new teaching styles that promote inquiry learning, cooperative learning and use […] pedagogical tools to engage and motivate students in their learning’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 14). In this way, the teacher’s role is expected to change from transmitter of knowledge to facilitator of learning. Inquiry learning and cooperative learning are features of a child‐centred approach in which teaching and learning processes are focused on the child being active and creative (Carlile & Jordan, 2005). The child ‐centred approach is often linked to constructing knowledge that posits learning as an active process of creating meaning by relating new information to past experiences (Brooks & Brooks, 1993; Loyens, Rikers & Schmidt, 2007; Perkins, 1999). In an examination‐oriented education system, however, learning is more likely to be driven by objectivist learning in which the focus is on outcome rather than the process. The Teaching and Learning Excellence program, therefore, is at odds with the new education system. It is challenging for teachers to adopt child‐ centred approaches in an education system that favours dispensing knowledge.

Indeed, the teaching and learning settings in Brunei have been described as predominantly didactic, traditional and teacher‐centred (Attwood & Bray, 1989; Zaitun, 1997; Charleston, 1998; Asmah, 2001; Scott & Fisher, 2002). In a study on The Impact of an In‐Service Course for Primary Teachers in Brunei, Scott and Fisher (2002) observed that children were mostly required to listen to their teachers’

explanations and copy notes from the board. Teachers in Brunei, according to Scott and Fisher (2002) were the ‘unquestioned authoritarian purveyors of accepted knowledge’ (p. 3). Classrooms were commonly characterised by passive student activities, lacking ‘minds‐on’ or expressive activities, with little development of thinking or communicative skills (Scott & Fisher, 2002). At the preschool level, Asmah (2001) observed that the children’s curricular activities were dominated by formal work such as choral drills, repetitious copying, and worksheets. Activities such as play were considered unimportant and suitable only for leisure and fun (Asmah, 2001). Attwood and Bray (1989), in a sociological study of Brunei and its education system, assert that teaching methods were typically book‐based. Expatriate teachers from the Centre for British Teachers (CfBT) in Brunei have also noted that children are used to being firmly and clearly directed (Centre for British Teachers, 2006). In such an authoritarian and teacher‐centred learning environment, children are viewed as passive learners in which they are expected to comply with the teacher’s instructions and absorb information.

However, one of the key strategies for improving teaching and learning outlined in the Global Monitoring Report: Education for All: The Quality Imperative (UNESCO, 2005) highlights a child‐centred and active pedagogy. The report also stresses the importance of ‘[…] cooperative learning and the development of critical thinking and problem‐solving skills’ (UNESCO, 2005, p. 26). The emphasis was placed on putting learners ‘at the heart of the teaching and learning process’ (UNESCO, 2005, p. 24). Learning, nevertheless, is a complex process that involves many aspects.

The current study focuses on children’s experiences and ideas about learning. Smith and Taylor (2000) assert that children’s perspectives of their experiences can facilitate improved conditions for their living and learning. In addition, Morgan (1992) argues that educationalists should listen to what children have to say about their school experience because children are immediate clients of education.

This study sought to provide a better understanding of the ways in which children experience learning in government schools in Brunei. An insight into children’s learning experiences as seen through their perspectives may improve our understanding of what aspects of learning are important to them. A more important consequence of this understanding is quality primary education provision in Brunei. The Ministry has consulted key stakeholders to help develop the new education system and these stakeholders include parents, the community, experts, school leaders, local industry and business communities (Brunei Forum, 2008). Importantly for this study, it has not included children’s views.

CONTEXTS FOR LEARNING IN BRUNEI

In order to provide a platform for understanding upper primary children’s experiences of learning, the broader educational, religious and social contexts of Brunei will now be discussed. Information about Brunei’s demographics is first presented, followed by a discussion of religious and social contexts that impact on children’s learning.

Brunei Darussalam, which literally means Brunei the Abode of Peace, is a small country located on the north‐western coast of Borneo Island, facing the South China

Sea, th and with a land area of about 5 765 square kilometres. In the 14 and 16 century, the sovereignty of Brunei extended beyond Borneo Island with the

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establishment of Islam by 1391 (The Borneo Project, 2008). Nevertheless, Brunei’s control declined as European influence grew in the region and, as a result, Brunei’s territory decreased to what it is today. Brunei is a neighbouring country to Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines and Singapore (see Figure 2).

Figure

2. Map of South East Asia

Brunei is divided into four districts, namely: Brunei‐Muara district, Tutong district, Belait district and Temburong district. The capital city Bandar Seri Begawan is located in Brunei‐Muara district (see Figure 3).

Figure

3. Map of Brunei Darussalam

In mid 2000, Brunei had an estimated population of 338 400 (Brunei Press, 2005) of which

32.2 percent were below fifteen years of age, 60.3 percent were between fifteen and thirty‐five years of age, and 7.5 percent were fifty‐five years and older. The growing number of young people in Brunei underscores the need to focus on their views about matters that affect their lives.

Furthermore, about 67.8 percent of the population is Malay, followed by Chinese, Indian, Indigenous people and other races (Brunei Press, 2006, Paragraph 2). Brunei adopts a national philosophy of Melayu Islam Beraja (MIB), or in English, Malay Islamic Monarchy. The philosophy has been embraced since the day Brunei received an independent and sovereign status in 1984. It is an integration of three elements: the Malay language and culture, the teachings of Islamic laws and values, and the monarchy system of administration. Indeed, Kitson (2004) described the culture as ‘grounded in an awareness of the need to preserve Malay traditions and the Islamic religion’ (p. 236). Islam is the official religion of the country and Malay (or Bahasa Melayu) is the official language. The national philosophy calls for the society to be loyal to the ruler and to uphold the teaching of Islam in a moderate way.

As the focus of this study centres on the experience of student learning in Brunei, it is essential to give a brief overview of the education and social contexts before explaining the significance of the study. It is anticipated that the background information provided in this section clarifies a number of terminologies such as the use of syllabus instead of curriculum and other terminologies that may be understood differently by researchers or educators in the Australian system and elsewhere.

Educational context for learning

The Ministry of Education is a highly centralised system and takes responsibility for the entire education system, including primary, secondary and tertiary education. In Brunei, the term primary education is used to describe the first seven years of formal and structured education that occurs during childhood. Children generally begin their primary school years at age six after spending a year in preschool. Preschool became part of primary education in 1979 after a policy requiring children to attend a year of preschool was introduced. After preschool, the primary level in government schools is divided into lower primary (Primary 1, 2 and

3) and upper primary (Primary 4, 5 and 6). The age range of upper primary children is between nine and eleven years old.

At th the beginning of the 20 century, primary schools were only available for the education of boys between 7 and 14 years of age. The curriculum comprised

reading and writing (in Arabic and Romanised script), composition, arithmetic, geography, history, hygiene, drawing and physical education. However, in 1954, a five ‐year Development Plan for education was enacted and the Ministry of Education was formed. By 1959, 15 006 pupils, 30 percent of whom were girls, enrolled in the State’s schools. Since 1954, the number of government schools has continued to increase. The statistics published by the Ministry of Education (2005) are presented in Table 1 and reveal that there are currently 121 government primary schools catering for 32 803 children.

Table 1: Number of Primary Schools (Government) and Students in Brunei (2005)

District Schools Lower Upper Total

Primary Primary

Students Students

Brunei ‐Muara

Government ‐funded schools provide free education with a yearly school fee of only five Brunei dollars per annum (equivalent roughly to six Australian dollars). Free education means all textbooks and workbooks are provided free by the Ministry of Education through the Curriculum Development Department (CDD) and the Department of Schools. Primary schools in Brunei may also be non‐government‐ funded. In non‐government‐funded schools, parents provide all the school materials needed. These are fee‐paying private schools, and the fee can cost parents as much as 2 000 Brunei dollars per term (equivalent approximately to 2030 Australian dollars). Parents who are financially well off send their children to non‐ government and international schools.

Children in both government and non‐government schools learn subjects in both Malay and English languages. This policy was introduced in 1984 to ensure high degree of proficiency in both languages, Malay being the national language and English the international language. Children are taught in Malay from preschool until Primary 3 with English a subject in the curriculum. From Primary 4 onwards,

English remains a subject in the curriculum, mathematics, science and geography are taught in English and while other subjects are taught in Malay. Upper primary children regard the subjects that they learn in English as very important as they are compulsory subjects for the PSA examination.

A significant total growth in enrolments and access to government primary education in Brunei has occurred since Malay schools first opened in Brunei in the 1950s. This is evident in Table 1. However, despite this expansion, research suggests that the curriculum remains teacher centred with limited change in the ways in which children experience learning in primary schools in Brunei (see for example, Attwood & Bray, 1989; Azharaini, 1986; Burns & Upex, 2002). This may be due in part to a prescriptive curriculum that has existed in the past.

All teachers in government schools are prescribed with guidebooks that are labelled syllabus. Consequently ‘syllabus’ has become the term that describes the curriculum. Syllabus guidebooks contain lists of topics, lesson objectives and activities for a particular subject. The guidebooks are prescriptive and comprehensively written and teachers in government schools have become dependent on the guidebooks to teach their lessons (Asmah, 2001).

A focus on teacher‐centred approaches to teaching and learning may be driven also by the time frame pressure teachers face in completing the comprehensive syllabus

(for example, within an academic year, teachers have approximately 140 days to complete the syllabus in time for mid‐ and end‐of‐year examinations). Workload from the comprehensive syllabus pressurises most teachers and, as a result, they resort to traditional teaching methods in order to finish the syllabus in time for examinations.

A teacher’s choice of teaching methods may have also been influenced by socio‐ cultural and religious practices in Brunei. As postulated by Asmah (2001), the possible reasons behind the pervasiveness of traditional and didactic classroom culture can be understood by ‘exploring the influences of Brunei’s culture, of the social structures within Bruneian families and society, and of the Islamic religion’ (p. 19).

Religious and social contexts of learning

Religion plays a central role in the Malay Muslim community in Brunei. About 60 percent of the population is Muslim and others practise faiths such as Buddhism, Christianity, and Hinduism. The national ideology of Malay Islamic Monarchy has become the nation’s guiding principle. It teaches the population to respect other faiths and practise Islam in a moderate and peaceful way.

The curriculum for government‐funded schools emphasises the teachings of Malay Islamic Monarchy philosophy. Indeed primary education aims to give children a

firm foundation for their personal and character development, as well as the basic skills of reading, writing and arithmetic. Malay Muslim children in Brunei also attend religious schools in the afternoon after regular school hours to learn Islamic knowledge. Values such as respect for elders are stressed through formal and informal activities in schools. In religious schools children experience the use of memorisation using choral reading to learn verses from the Quran. These verses are in Arabic, a foreign language to the children. The methods of teaching are rigid, formal and traditional. Hanapi (2006) explains that one of the important steps in memorising verses from the Quran is the obligation of correcting the pronunciation, which is typically done by listening to an expert reciter or precise memoriser of the Quran. It is obligatory to listen to experts because there are many verses in the Quran that occur in a way that is opposed to what is well known in the rules of the Arabic language. Parents regard these methods of listening to an expert, memorising and repeating as effective for children to ‘understand their meaning for use in the five‐times‐daily prayer’ (Asmah, 2001, p. 23).

Although religious education is not compulsory, it is an obligation chosen by a majority of parents to send their children to these schools. Most parents spend a limited amount of time at home and do not have the adequate formal knowledge and training in religious education to teach their children at home. Some children continue religious education at home where they listen to grandparents, aunts and uncles who are fluent in Quran recitation. Most Malay Muslim communities in Brunei live close to or together with their extended family.

The system of extended family is a tradition commonly practised by the Malay Muslim community. Living in the system of extended family where parents, uncles, aunts and immediate relatives live under one roof or close together is seen as an advantage, particularly for working parents. While parents spend most of their time working, they can expect that there are relatives who live nearby to look after their children. Bruneian families are traditionally close‐knit structures (Aisah, Ebbeck, Asmah & Rosberg, 1995). Extended family is central to the Malay Muslim community and care of children is regarded as a shared responsibility (Kitson, 2004). In fact, the government housing scheme projects are geared towards maintaining the family system by ensuring that families are resettled as near as possible to one another. The extended family system seeks to teach children to uphold moral and spiritual values by respecting their parents, elders, and rulers.

The structural hierarchy is considered to have a strong influence on the child‐ rearing patterns and social relations in Brunei (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006). Structural hierarchy is understood to be as influential as religion. Respect for the elders is very important and children at a very young age are taught to obey their parents as parents are their well‐wishers who hope for nothing but the best for their children (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006). Alverson (1988) noted that in the Bruneian culture, ‘much of child training consists in imparting the etiquette that an older individual (doing the instruction) feels should govern how a junior person acts towards a senior person’ (p. 24). In school, children are expected to obey their teachers’ instructions. Teachers are the children’s in loco parentis in school and The structural hierarchy is considered to have a strong influence on the child‐ rearing patterns and social relations in Brunei (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006). Structural hierarchy is understood to be as influential as religion. Respect for the elders is very important and children at a very young age are taught to obey their parents as parents are their well‐wishers who hope for nothing but the best for their children (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006). Alverson (1988) noted that in the Bruneian culture, ‘much of child training consists in imparting the etiquette that an older individual (doing the instruction) feels should govern how a junior person acts towards a senior person’ (p. 24). In school, children are expected to obey their teachers’ instructions. Teachers are the children’s in loco parentis in school and

These expectations extend to the teacher‐student relationship where children learn to be passive, with little capacity in managing their own affairs and in learning (Benware & Deci, 1984; Gijbels, Segers & Struyf, 2008). They become less inquisitive in the classroom and resort to rote learning as the most effective way of learning (Asmah, 2001). Therefore, in a religious and social environment where children have a limited scope to solve and discover, it is likely that students are viewed as passive learners who undergo routine exercises as their main learning activities.

The research project described in this thesis sheds light on the meanings and significance of learning in the children’s lives and, in so doing, provides useful insight into the children’s experiences of learning in government schools in Brunei.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The underlying purpose of this study was to explore children’s views about learning in government schools in Brunei. The research question that framed the study was: What are the qualitatively different ways in which upper primary children in Brunei government schools experience learning?

THE RESEARCH APPROACH

In order to achieve its aim, this study used a phenomenographic research approach (Marton, 1981) to investigate children’s conceptions of learning. This approach was well suited to the needs of this study as it enabled the collection, description and interpretation of data in which the children’s conceptions of learning was mapped (Marton, 1981, 1984, 1988; Säljö, 1979; Svensson, 1985). In the current study, the phenomenon of interest is learning in government schools as experienced by a group of sixteen upper primary children in Brunei. This study took a second‐order perspective to research (Marton, 1981), in which the researcher looked at the conceptions of learning as experienced by the children rather than looking at the phenomenon from the perspective as an educator. The design of this study and the rationale for adopting a phenomenographic research approach will be explored in more detail in Chapter 3 of this thesis. The significance of this study is further discussed in the following section.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The researcher’s interest in this topic grew from her own involvement and professional experience first as a teacher and then as a trainer of government primary school teachers in Brunei. As a primary school teacher in a government primary school in Brunei, the researcher was assigned to a classroom with thirty‐ seven children between the age of nine and eleven years old. The researcher’s involvement with children in a government school provided her with rich insights into the ways in which learning was experienced. However, these insights did not include the children’s views about learning. As previously argued, it is essential to establish how children perceive and conceptualise learning. Insights into the ways in which children learn can facilitate a better primary education provision and improve the quality of their learning experiences.

This thesis provides an exploration of the children’s conceptions learning in government schools. The results of this study can contribute to discussions about students’ conceptions of learning and this step, according to Morgan (1993), is a crucial starting point for a teacher’s work to educate children constructively.

Brunei lacks empirical research in this area of study. This study, therefore, is the first of its kind to investigate the conceptions of learning held by upper primary children in Brunei government schools. It is anticipated that this study will form a basis on which more local research can be conducted. Moreover, the children’s

conceptions of learning that emerged from this study may inform curriculum planning and policy making in Brunei, particularly at this crucial time of change in education system. Rather than viewing children as passive, their conceptions of learning may be used to generate a child‐centred outlook within the primary education curriculum framework. The United Nations via United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisations (UNESCO, 2005) acknowledges the significance of including children in decision‐making, and recommends that children’s voices should be heard. In addition, findings of this study may assist teacher ‐training institutes in Brunei to understand children’s conceptions of learning st and to use these insights in the preparation of the 21 century primary education teachers.

Internationally, the study provides evidentiary data from which other comparative studies could develop. Most importantly, the study stands to add to the scholarly cross ‐cultural research and literature in the field of primary education and children’s conceptions of learning, particularly to inform others about what upper primary children think about learning in Brunei government schools.

THESIS OUTLINE

The thesis has five chapters: an introduction to the thesis (Chapter 1), the literature review (Chapter 2), the research design and methodology (Chapter 3), the findings (Chapter 4) and discussion and finally, the conclusion (Chapter 5).

The first chapter has provided an introduction to the thesis. This chapter has also highlighted the significance of the study and the context within which the study took place. Chapter 2 reviews relevant literature framing the study. An overview of studies on students’ conceptions of learning and other empirical research pertinent to the study are presented in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3, the research design and the methodology of the study are presented. The rationale for a phenomenographic research approach is discussed, along with a description of the implementation of this study, including the steps undertaken by the researcher to ensure research ethics and rigour. Findings of the study are presented in Chapter 4 in the form of an outcome space, in which three categories of descriptions are explored and examined. Finally, in Chapter 5, the findings of the study are discussed in relation to studies of students’ conceptions of learning and with regards to the new education system in Brunei.

Chapter 2: Review of the literature

An inquiry into primary school children’s experiences of learning requires an understanding of literature addressing issues in primary education and theories of learning. This chapter is divided into three main parts. First, it presents a discussion on quality primary education from a global perspective. It argues for the key role that primary education plays in national development and its significance in providing quality primary education for all children. Second, it examines child‐ centred pedagogy as indicative of quality education and positions this approach as critical for any discussion of children’s learning. Third, it explores empirical studies that are focused upon conceptions of learning and the research approach used in this field. The qualitatively different conceptions of learning held by students from different age groups at different levels across different cultures are explored. The review of the literature, as such, reveals a paucity of empirical work around children’s conceptions of learning, which, in turn, strengthens the justification for this study.

QUALITY PRIMARY EDUCATION FROM A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

The provision of quality primary education is high on the agenda of governments and advocacy bodies worldwide. In addition to being a human right, primary The provision of quality primary education is high on the agenda of governments and advocacy bodies worldwide. In addition to being a human right, primary

Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall

be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, UDHR, Article 26, 1948)

Apart from a human rights perspective, world organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Bank acknowledge the significant role that primary education plays in the economic growth and development of a country (Hanushek & Wößmann, 2007). Empirical evidence shows that educational investment has been one of the critical contributors to economic growth (Aghion, Caroli, & Garcia‐ Penalosa, 1999; Barro, 1997; Blundell, Dearden, Meghir, & Sianesi, 1999; Gemmell, 1995, 1996; Gylfasson, 2001; Haddad, Carnoy, Rinaldi, & Regel, 1990; Lucas, 1988). Education contributes to economic development by increasing the efficiency of the labour force and by fostering democracy, which can then create conditions for good governance. The strong evidence of positive returns underpins the UN to target a universal primary education by 2015 (United Nations Children’s Funds, UNICEF, 2008).

Despite a global consensus on the key role that primary education plays in national development, there is difficulty in defining what quality in primary education means (Adams, 1993; Courtney, 2008; O'Sullivan, 2006). O’Sullivan (2006) argues that the lack of clear definition constrains teachers’ and trainers’ perspectives on what can

be done to improve teaching and learning. The definition of quality differs according to the different perspectives taken. For example, the definition of quality taken from the perspective of human rights would differ significantly when taken from the human capital perspective.

In defining quality education, policy‐makers tend to focus on measurable inputs and outputs such as enrolment, retention and achievement (UNESCO, 2005). These measurable inputs and outputs are easier to report and use when making comparisons between countries. While measurable inputs and outputs are useful for making aggregate comparisons, they do not provide sufficient data to analyse qualitative differences between schools and children’s experiences of learning. Moreover, inputs such as teacher qualifications and enrolment data have not been found to have a direct link with learning achievement (Chapman & Adams, 2002). These gaps highlight the lack of studies focusing on teaching and learning processes in assessing quality in education. The concept of educational quality is complex, multidimensional , relative and difficult to measure.

In recent years, the focus of quality in primary education has evolved to include teaching and learning processes. For example, the Global Monitoring Report:

Education For All: The Quality Imperative (UNESCO, 2005) highlights the importance of ‘characteristics of learners (healthy, motivated students), processes (competent teachers using active pedagogies), content (relevant curricula) and systems (good governance and equitable resource allocation)’ (p. 29) in defining quality primary education. The evolution of conceptualisation of quality primary education stresses

a child‐centred pedagogy. The first and third features of quality education outlined broadly by the United Nations International Children’s Fund (UNICEF, 2008), for example, are clearly child‐centred, and focused on children with potential ‘to participate and learn’. UNICEF (2008) argues that a child‐centred approach to teaching encourages quality learning, as it provides children with opportunities to

be active in learning. In addition to a child‐centred pedagogy, UNICEF (2008) stresses the significance of environments that are healthy, safe, protective and gender ‐sensitive. These environments, according to UNICEF (2008), must also provide adequate resources and facilities for teachers and children to engage in meaningful teaching and learning.

A child‐centred approach is of particular relevance to the current study, as it focuses on children’s experiences of learning. In this study, children’s views are valued because they provide insights into aspects that are important to their learning. In turn, these aspects can be used to inform the government‐mandated child ‐centred curriculum. UNICEF’s features of quality education highlight the significance of a child‐centred pedagogy. The focus on children as learners was A child‐centred approach is of particular relevance to the current study, as it focuses on children’s experiences of learning. In this study, children’s views are valued because they provide insights into aspects that are important to their learning. In turn, these aspects can be used to inform the government‐mandated child ‐centred curriculum. UNICEF’s features of quality education highlight the significance of a child‐centred pedagogy. The focus on children as learners was

A child‐friendly school recognises, encourages and supports children’s growing capacities as learners by providing a school culture, teaching behaviours and curriculum content that are focused on learning and the learner. (UNICEF, 2008)

Further detail about the links between quality education and learner‐focused approaches can be found in the Education For All (EFA): Global Monitoring Report 2005 (UNESCO, 2005). The report outlined four pillars of learning and these are:

Learning to know: acknowledges that learners build their own knowledge daily, combining indigenous and ‘external’ elements.

Learning to do: focuses on the practical application of what is learned.

Learning to live together: addresses the critical skills for a life free from discrimination, where all have equal opportunity to develop themselves, their families and their communities.

Learning to be: emphasises the skills needed for individuals to develop their full potentials.

The first, second and fourth pillars of learning emphasise the learner’s ability to construct knowledge and apply what they know to develop their potentials fully. The third pillar refers to the social aspect of learning and the learner’s contribution to the society.

This study focuses on the ways in which children experience learning. In addition to measurable inputs and outputs, child‐centred pedagogy has been closely associated with quality education. A discussion of child‐centred pedagogy in relation to the current context of education reform in Brunei is presented next to provide a platform for further discussion of children’s experiences of learning.

CHILD ‐CENTRED PEDAGOGY

Sugrue (1997) notes that the basic idea of a child‐centred approach is to focus teaching and learning activities on children’s needs as distinct from focusing on what teachers need to do to impart knowledge to children (Doverborg & Pramling (1996) . Indeed, van Harmelen (1998) asserts that, if education is to succeed, it must consider the children’s needs as learners because, ‘when learners are interested, they are more likely to learn’ (p. 5). Doverborg and Pramling (1996) argue that teaching and learning activities should begin with the children’s world so that the experience becomes meaningful to them. Investigation into the ways in which children experience learning, therefore, can shed light on how teaching and learning can be improved to suit the children’s expressed needs as learners.

Child ‐centred pedagogy is believed to enhance learning and improve educational outcomes (Ginsburg, 2006). Central to child‐centred pedagogy is active learning whereby children are actively engaged in the learning process. Active learning goes beyond traditional ways of learning such as listening, reading, writing or calculating

(Menon, 2008). It involves higher‐order thinking such as problem‐solving activities that, in turn, involve analysing, synthesising and evaluating. The focus in active learning is on generating knowledge through a process of inquiry where children relate new information to what they already know and, thus, create new understanding.

The role of the teacher in child‐centred pedagogy differs from traditional transmissive teaching. In a child‐centred learning environment, teachers act as facilitators providing challenges that are safe for children to develop learning skills either individually or as a team (Gagnon & Collay, 2006; van Harmelen, 1998). Teachers, in turn, design active learning opportunities for children to reflect on their prior knowledge and to create new understandings, and in light of the children’s own perspectives on learning. Children are given the opportunity to explore ideas and be creative in problem‐solving as opposed to being instructed to carry out an activity. Features of a child‐centred learning environment include inquiry learning and cooperative learning (Gagnon & Collay, 2006). These approaches encourage self ‐regulation, collaboration, reflection on learning, multiple perspectives on reality, knowledge construction, evaluation on learning (particularly self‐ evaluation), and negotiating the curriculum around real world issues.

Carlile and Jordan (2005) highlight the lack of theoretical discussion of child‐centred learning in the literature. They note, however, that the child‐centred approach relates primarily to the constructivist view of learning in its emphasis on the Carlile and Jordan (2005) highlight the lack of theoretical discussion of child‐centred learning in the literature. They note, however, that the child‐centred approach relates primarily to the constructivist view of learning in its emphasis on the

A child‐centred approach to teaching and learning relates to the aspirations outlined by the Ministry of Education in Brunei. The call for a child‐centred approach to teaching and learning began as early as 1980 when the Ministry introduced a new education system that shifted the curricular emphasis from teacher content to student learning with understanding (Hanapi, 2006). The introduction of a new education system (SPN 21) stressed the importance of student ‘learning through doing and discovery’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 11). The Vision and Mission Statements outlined in the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2007‐ 2011 clearly indicate a child‐centred belief about learning. For example, the Ministry’s commitment in providing an education system that ‘prepares young people for future adult roles as capable, creative, thinking citizens who can contribute to and benefit their families, community, and society’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 5), suggest an underlying assumption that an education system A child‐centred approach to teaching and learning relates to the aspirations outlined by the Ministry of Education in Brunei. The call for a child‐centred approach to teaching and learning began as early as 1980 when the Ministry introduced a new education system that shifted the curricular emphasis from teacher content to student learning with understanding (Hanapi, 2006). The introduction of a new education system (SPN 21) stressed the importance of student ‘learning through doing and discovery’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 11). The Vision and Mission Statements outlined in the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2007‐ 2011 clearly indicate a child‐centred belief about learning. For example, the Ministry’s commitment in providing an education system that ‘prepares young people for future adult roles as capable, creative, thinking citizens who can contribute to and benefit their families, community, and society’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 5), suggest an underlying assumption that an education system