Same subject OS-function Set B

Since the focus in Set B is on participants, I will use the referential parameter as the basic dividing line for grouping the IRMs.

2.1.2.1 Same subject

There are three pairs in this group. They encode whether the controlling verb is transitive or intransitive, and they differ along aspectual lines: -hahton-hahtox encode perfective aspect, -haiton-haitox repetitivecontinuative aspect, and -tihton-tihtox possibility. 2.1.2.1.1 Perfective aspect sequential events -hahton encodes transitive controlling verb. 41 Jaa hiya hiyu -hahton -mun hiya coriiqui hinan-xo -hnu. REL.CL me bring-SQSS.TR-FO me money give -3PAST-DECL ‘He who has brought me here gave me money.’ -hahtox encodes intransitive controlling verb. 42 Jaa hiya hiyu -hahtox -mun jan na -xo -hnu. REL.CL me bring-SQSS.ITR-FO he die-3PAST-DECL ‘He who brought me here died.’ 2.1.2.1.2 Repetitivecontinuative aspect non-sequential events. -haiton encodes transitive controlling verb. 43 Hiya-x -viz nocoo-haiton -mun hun mana-cahan -cu -hnu. Ime-NOM-first arrive-NONSQSS.TR-FO I wait -CONTR.FACT-lPAST-DECL ‘If I were to arrive first, I would wait for him.’ Emphasis on ‘I.’ -haitox encodes intransitive controlling verb. 44 Jari nashi-haitox -mun nashi-hi ca-hi hun-hca -nu. there bathe-NONSQSS.ITR-FO bathe-PRESSS go-PRES I -1ACT-DECL ‘I am going bathing where I always bathe.’ Lit.: ‘where I have always been bathing.’ When we line up the IRMs of examples 43, 44 and 31 of Set A we note the case-marking inflections as follows: -haito-n ‘SS-ergative’ -haito-x ‘SS-nominative’ -haito-Ø ‘SO-absolutive’ 2.1.2.1.3 Possibility subsequent event -tihton encodes transitive controlling verb. 45 Chami cuna-tihton -mun hun yohi-cu -hnu. younger.brother call -SUBSSS.TR-FO I say -1PAST-DECL ‘I said I would call my younger brother.’ -tihtox encodes intransitive controlling verb. 46 Hizo rutu-tihtox -mun nihii ca-hi hun-hca -nu. monkey kill-SUBSSS.ITR-FO woods go-PRES I -1ACT-DECL ‘I am going hunting that I might kill a monkey.’

2.1.2.2 OS-function

There are two pairs in this set. They differ along aspectual lines: -ha-havo encode perfective aspect; -hai-haivo encode repetitivecontinuative aspect. The morphemes ending in -vo specify that the plural subject of the marked clause is unidentified. When the plural subject is identified by a noun phrase, the noun phrase is inflected for plural ergative case. 2.1.2.2.1 Perfective aspect sequential events -ha encodes either a singular or identified plural subject of the marked clause. 47 a. Hun povi -n hiya cuna -ha -mun hun ca-cu -hnu. my sibling -ERG me call -SQOS -FO I go-1PAST-DECL ‘My sibling called me and I went.’ or ‘Because my sibling called me, I went.’ b. Hun povi -vaun hiya cuna-ha -mun hun ca-cu -hnu. my sibling -ERG.PL me call-SQOS-FO I go-1PAST-DECL ‘My siblings called me and I went.’ or ‘Because my siblings called me, I went.’ -havo encodes an unidentified plural subject. 48 Hiya cuna-havo -mun hun ca-cu -hnu. me call -SQOS.PL-FO I go-1PAST-DECL ‘Having been called by them, I went.’‘They called me and I went.’‘Because they called me, I went.’ 2.1.2.2.2 Repetitivecontinuative aspect non-sequential events -hai encodes either a singular subject or an identified plural subject, and -haivo encodes an unidentified plural subject. The constructions are parallel to the -ha-havo ones. Therefore I will not illustrate all the variations. 49 Hun povi -n hiya cuna-hai -mun hun ca-cu -hnu. my sibling-ERG me call -NONSQOS-FO I go-1PAST-DECL ‘When my sibling kept calling me, I went.’‘Because my sibling kept calling me, I went.’ When the plural subject of the marked clause remains unidentified 48, the construction is best translated as a passive one. There are, however, no equivalent singular constructions. In the singular the subject needs to be stated and its case-marking is governed by transitivity. Table 2.3. IRMs, Set B Referent