2.3 IRMs in narrative discourse
The organizing principle in narrative discourse is thematic. A paragraph contains one main theme and possibly a few sub-themes that contribute to the development of the main theme. The most frequent
formal features to introduce a new main theme, and with that a new paragraph, are the following two: 1 repeating the preceding independent verb form with a dependent verb form marked clause 53a,
54a in example text below, or 2 the use of a general connecting phrase which refers back to the main theme of the previous paragraph 52a. The clitic -mun ‘theme’ which is suffixed to a sentence
constituent or to the last element of a whole clause does not mark the main theme or a sub-theme, instead it marks the central element in a sentence.
As mentioned in Section 2.1, clause chaining is a very prominent feature of Amahuaca narrative discourse. The paragraph containing the main plot of the story generally consists of one or several long
strings of marked clauses and a final controlling clause. The marked clauses express successive events that lead to the climax of the story, and the final controlling clause expresses the climatic event.
Suspense is achieved by including many detailed successive events. The extensive use of IRMs results in a highly complex cohesive system. The complexity is due to the
fact that the IRMs encode not only participant reference SS, DS, OS, and SO and temporallogical relations of events, which can include time spans between events, but also different kinds of events
transitive, intransitive, and movement towards or away from a focal point. Consequently there are no conjunctions, and the use of adverbs, pronouns, and other connectors is kept to a minimum.
The text to be analyzed is a mythological tale which has been recorded and transcribed. The editing process has been limited to incorporating only those changes a native speaker felt necessary to insure
clear understanding of the story.
2.3.1 Sample narrative
50 a. Jan vacu xano -mun -quiha jan hain -vacu
her child woman -TH -REPORT her niece -child b. xuni
-vaun pi -han -pahon -ni -xo
-hnu. old.person -ERG.PL eat -MALF -REP.ACN-REM -3PAST -DECL
‘They say that an old woman repeatedly ate a child of her niece.’ 51 a. ‘Hiya vacu chocho ha -ma -xon -vu, huha,’
for.me child milk drink -cause -BENEF-IMP mother
b. jan -hcun -mun-quiha,
she -SQDS-TH -REPORT c. vacu-qui
chocho ha -ma -xon -quin
child-PRET milk drink -cause -BENEF -NONSQSSTR
d. rutu-n -xon
kill -MALF-SQSSTR e. pi -han -pahon- ni -xo
-hqui. eat -MALF-REP.ACN-REM-3PAST -DECL
‘b They say that she the niece said: a ‘Nurse cause to drink the child for me, mother.’ c Pretending to nurse the child, d she the old woman killed e and ate himher.’
52 a. Caa -xon
-mun -quiha like.that -SQSSTR -TH -REPORT
b. xuni -vaun
jan hain -vacu-n vacu rutu -n
-xon
old.person -ERG.PL her niece -child-POSS child kill -MALF -SQSSTR c. pi -han -ni -xo
-hnu. ate -MALF -REM -3PAST -DECL
‘a Like that they say b the old woman killed her nieces child c and ate himher.’
53 a. Pi -han -pi -han -haito -mun -quiha
eat -MALF -eat -MALF -NONSQSO -TH -REPORT
b. cuntii-xon
pot -SQSSTR
c. cuntii hovi-hovi -quin
pot bake-bake -NONSQSSTR
d. ‘moha hi -qui -ra -hqui hiya hiin-xon -I
-yu, huha,’ now done-PRES-QUEST -ACT for.me see -BENEF -come-IMP mother
e. jan-hcun -mun -quiha
she-SQDS -TH -REPORT
f. ca -xon
go -SQSSTR
g. hiin -hi
look -NONSQSSITR h. vucuntu -u
-hax
shade.eyes-REFL -SQSSITR i. ni
-xon
stand-SQSSTR
j. hiin -hiin -haito
look -look -NONSQSO k. cachiiho jo
-tan -Ø
behind come -SQ -SS
l. hiin -ma -ma -vuran -Ø
see- cause -NEG -SQ -SS m. hainvacu -n
chihi -qui vuran -ni -xo
-hqui. niece
-ERG fire -against push -REM -3PAST -DECL ‘a Whilebecause she kept eating, they say b that the niece made a clay pot. c While she
was baking the pot, e they say that she said: d ‘Come and look for me, mother, by now the pot must be ready,’ f and the old woman went, g and while she looked h she shaded her eyes
with her hands, i and she stood j and while she kept looking, k the niece came from behind toward her l without causing her to see, m and pushed her into the fire.’
54 a. Chihi-qui jan vuran-ha
fire -into she push -SQOS
b. totocototoco-cax -mun -quiha
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