Velar Clusters in Nong and Min Zhuang Li 1977, ch. 11 PT kl-, PCT kl- Li 1977, §11.1

3.4.10 Velar Clusters in Nong and Min Zhuang Li 1977, ch. 11 PT kl-, PCT kl- Li 1977, §11.1

English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNBL npdgl rice seedling 秧苗姓 kla C1 ca²² ca²² ca²² ca²² caa²² caʔ²² ca²² ca²² ca²² ca²² tʃa²² tɕa³³ drum noun 鼓姓 klɔŋ A1 kəŋ³¹ an²² cuɔːŋ²⁴ an²⁴ coaŋ²⁴ an²² coŋ²⁴ coŋ¹⁴ an²² coːŋ²⁴ coŋ²⁴ coŋ³³ naŋ³³ cjoŋ³⁵ an³³coŋ³⁵, cʷɑŋ³⁵⁴ toːŋ³⁵ tɕoːŋ²⁴ far 姓 kləi A1 kai²⁴ kei²⁴ kai²⁴ kei²⁴ kay¹⁴ kei²⁴ kei²⁴ kai²⁴ kwai³⁵ kei³⁵ tʃai³⁵ tɕai²⁴ to swallow 吞姓 klɛn ʔdɯəm A1 B1 kən⁵⁵ ʔdəŋ³³ koŋ⁵⁵ kɯn⁵³ kən⁵⁵ kɯn⁵⁵ kən⁵⁵ kən⁵⁵ kɩn⁵⁵ kɯn⁵³ kɯn⁵³, ʔdɯn²²; ʔom³⁵ ʔdɯn³⁵ ʔdɘn²⁴ salt 盐姓 klɯo A1 kɯ²⁴ kɯː²⁴ kɯ²⁴ kɯː²⁴ kɯɯ¹⁴ kɯ²⁴ kɯ²⁴ kɯ²² kɯ³⁵ kɯ³⁵ tʃɯ³⁵ tɕɯ²⁴ banana 香蕉姓 kluai C1 mak¹¹ to²²loŋ⁵⁵ mak¹¹kuːi²² mak¹¹koi²² mak¹¹kuːi²² maak²¹ kuy²² kui²²naŋ³¹, mak¹¹kui²² mak¹¹ kuːi²² mak¹¹ to²²loŋ⁵⁵ maːk¹¹ koːi²² tʃoːi³³ tɕʊːi³³ The PT kl cluster has developed in interesting ways in Nong and Min Zhuang. Li wrote of this cluster, “Among the CT dialects, there may be some dialects such as Lung-an in Kwangsi province which preserve this cluster, but the details are not known. Most CT dialects have -j- for -l-, except before high vowels i, u w, and ï, where the -j- is dropped, and often the resultant kj- is further palatalized to č-” Li 1977: 220. In our Nong data, we see roughly half of the examples have undergone the palatalization process noted for other velar PT initials above, though without any diachronic or synchronic evidence of a following front vowel. The word glossed as “drum,” PT kl ɔŋ A1, is palatalized in all Nong locations except, possibly, at Milewan to the west of the Nong area, where a velar stop remains. Though the coda looks similar to Li’s PT form, this word possibly descends from a different etymon, as the tonal reflex is not consistent with an A1 tone. Other PT kl- words show a Nong reflex of a simple unaspirated voiceless stop, as we might expect. Min Zhuang, on the other hand, shows an alveolar stop for all cognate reflexes, except for that of “drum,” which is an alveolar stop. In simple velar initials, we saw no fronting of the velars in Min Zhuang. We should note that Li himself considered at least some of the words he assigned to this initial sound to be “doubtful examples.” PT kr-, PCT khr- Li 1977, §11.2 English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNBL npdgl near 近 krəɯ C1 caɯ²² cʰaɯ³³ cʰaɯ³³ cʰəɯ³³ cʰaɰ²² cʰəɯ²² coɯ²², cʰoɯ²² cʰəɯ³³ caɯ³³ cəɯ²² tʃaɯ²² tɕaɯ³³ to snore 鼾姓 kru̥ɯn A1 cʰiɛn²² cʰu¹¹ ɲi³³ ciɛn²⁴ ɲe³³ ciɛn²⁴ nuːn³³ cən²⁴ can¹⁴, non⁴⁴can¹⁴ ciɛn²⁴ ciːɛn²⁴ cʰiɛn³³ ʔtaːŋ²² nɔːn³³ ciɛn³⁵ cʲɛn³⁵ tɯn³⁵ tɕɘn²⁴ Though we only have two example words for the PT kr- cluster, they are adequate to demonstrate the irregular aspiration that developed from this cluster, which Li, once again, accurately noted from his observation of other Taic languages 30 : 31 “Some SW and CT dialects tend to aspirate the k- on account of the following r- so that we have actually khj-, čh-, š-, etc., in the modern dialects, but it is not regularly carried out in all words” 1977:225. As can be seen from the above data, 30 31 Recall that Li did not have any Central Taic data from Yunnan province available to him, according to his introduction 1977:14–23. in Nong, both the aspirated palatalized stop and non-aspirated palatalized stop appear as reflexes in various locations without a consistent pattern across Nong locations e.g. WSMLW has aspirated “to snore” but not aspirated “near” whereas YSKX, GNBH, MGXZ, wjgwn, MLPJD has done the opposite, GNSFZ and GNXGN aspirate neither, WSLHL aspirates both, and XCGJ has both aspirated and non-aspirated forms for “near”. Min Zhuang also shows two different reflexes, similar to those for PT kl- an alveolar affricate for “near” but a simple alveolar dental for “to snore” neither is aspirated. PT khl-; khr- PCT khl-; khr-, xr- Li 1977, §11.3; 11.4 English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNBL npdgl spider 蜘蛛姓 khlaaŋ A1 piŋ³¹ ti²² cʰai¹¹ cʰoŋ²⁴ cʰaːu²⁴ cʰoŋ¹¹ cʰaːu²⁴ cʰoŋ²¹ cʰaaw¹⁴ cʰoŋ¹¹cʰaːu²⁴ ti²²cʰai¹¹, cʰoŋ²² cʰau²⁴ miɛ³¹ cʰiŋ¹¹ cʰaːu³⁵ cʰiŋ³³ cʰaːu³⁵ ci³⁵ ðaːu³⁵ tɕi⁵⁵ɹ̝aːu²⁴ sick 病姓 khləi C1 bən³³ cʰai²² cʰai²² cʰai²² cʰei²² cʰay²² cʰei²² cʰɛi²² ban³³ cʰai⁵⁵ cʰai²² cʰei²² piŋ⁴² cf. Ch. 病 pɪŋ⁵³ hard stiff 硬姓 khlɛŋ A1 ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲaap²¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ ɲap¹¹ kʲen¹¹ kɛːn²² 姓 egg 蛋姓 khrəi B1 cʰai¹¹ cʰəi¹¹ cʰai¹¹ cʰəi¹¹ cʰay²¹cay²¹ cʰɛi¹¹ cʰɛi²¹ an³³ cʰai¹¹ cʰai¹¹ cʰei¹² ðai¹¹, ðɛi¹¹ ɹ̝ai²² Of the PT cluster khl-, Li wrote: “For the CT dialects, the development is irregular, either khj-, h-, š-, or s-, either dialect doublets or under the influence of the following vowel” 1977:226. Here we see palatalization for our two examples for which we have cognates in Nong Zhuang, but Min Zhuang shows an interdental fricative reflex for the only item that seems to correspond to a khl- reconstruction. The Min form for “hard” k ʲen¹¹ does not appear to be cognate with Li’s khl ɛŋ, as both the coda and tones do not match the expected reflexes. Li considered the development of PT cluster khr- to be similar to that of khl- 1977:228, and in the single example in our dataset, we find such to be true for both Nong and Min Zhuang, with an aspirated palatal stop reflex for Nong but an interdental fricative for Min. PT gl-; gr-, PCT gl-; gr- Li 1977, §11.5; 11.6 English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNB L npdg l to crawl on ground 爬姓进在地 爬远姓 glu̥an A2 can³³ i¹¹na³¹ can⁵⁵ can⁵⁵ vaːi⁵⁵ caːn³³ caan⁴⁴, caan⁴⁴ vaay⁴⁴pay¹⁴ can³³ can³³ ca³³ caːn³³ waːi³³ caːn³³ waːi³³ pan³³ ɹ̝aːn⁵⁵ pestle 杵姓 gru̥ok D1L D2S sak¹¹ cʷɔk³³ ʔdam²², sak¹¹ʔdɔːi¹¹ sak¹¹ θak¹¹ saak²¹ lɔŋ⁴⁴ θak¹¹mei⁵⁵ sak¹¹, tam³⁵ toŋ³³ an²⁴ cok⁵⁵ ʔdɔk³³ tam²⁴ to want, to desire 想要姓 grəɯ B2 nɯ³¹ʔau²⁴ nəŋ³³ʔau²⁴ nɯ³¹ʔau²⁴ nɯ³¹ʔau²⁴ ʔaw¹⁴, ŋɤɤ⁴⁴ θɔn³³ʔau²⁴ nɯ³¹ ʔou²⁴ mi³³ au²² ʔau³⁵ nɯ²²ʔau³⁵, swɑn²²ʔɑu²⁴ naɯ³¹ ʔau²⁴ Although our data is scarce for these two voiced velar PT clusters, the data that we do have shows a palatal stop reflex for gl- and a s [ θ] reflex for gr- in Nong. It is harder to determine if the Min Zhuang forms are cognates, though they could be, as the codas and tonal reflexes are consistent with the PT reconstructions. The last item, glossed “to want” or “to desire,” at first glance doesn’t appear cognate, with a nasal initial, but the coda and tonal reflex are consistent with Li’s reconstructed form gr ə ɯ B2 in most areas, so this may be another reflex of the PT gr- cluster. PT ŋlr-, PCT ŋ- Li 1977, §11.7 English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNBL npdgl kapok tree Ceiba pentandra 木棉树姓 ŋliw Luo 1997; məi ”tree”+ fai ”cotton” C2; C2+C1 pʰai²² mæi⁵⁵ pʰai²² mak¹¹ pʰaːi²² mei⁴⁵ðiao⁴⁵, mei⁴⁵pʰai²² pʰaay¹⁴ðɛw⁵⁵, may⁵⁵ðew⁵⁵ pʰaːi²²mei⁵⁵, mei⁵⁵pʰaːi²² mɛi⁵⁵ ʑiau⁵⁵ mai⁵⁵ pʰaːi²⁴ n.d. mei⁵³pʰaːi²², pʰɑːi²²mei⁵³ pʰaːi²² mai⁵⁵ ðeːo⁵³ n.d. Li himself had only one example for this word “sesame,” which was regrettably not included in our wordlist, though Zhang et al. 1999 lists the Nong form as [ ŋa³³]. Fortunately, we do have a word whose PT intial Luo 1997 has proposed as also belong to this PT cluster, “kapok ceiba.” 31 32 The Nong responses to the Chinese gloss alternated between a form composed of “treewood” + “cotton” or “fruit” + “cotton” at GBBH or another form with an initial sound of ð [ ʑ] in Xichou for both Nong and Min Zhuang. There may have been some confusion over the exact referent for “木棉树.” A literal translation of the Chinese word would be “woodtree” + “cotton” + “tree,” but in Maguan Xizhai we were told that mei⁴⁵ðiao⁴⁵ and mei⁴⁵pʰai²² are two different species of tree, not the same tree. In retrospect, it would have been best to present participants with a photo of the Ceiba pentandra tree, or at least its product, but we did not have either at the time of elicitation. It is unlikely that the Nong and Min ð- initial forms are cognate with Luo’s form for “kapok” as the initial is not nasalized whereas “sesame” in Nong retains the velar nasal, but the tone reflexes are consistent with a C2 toneme that Luo predicts for this form, so we leave that conclusion up to the reader. PT xr-, PCT xr- Li 1977, §11.8 English Ch. PT Form Tone WSMLW YSKX GNBH MGXZ wjgwn MLPJD XCGJ WSLHL GNSFZ GNXGN FNBL npdgl ear 耳 朵姓 xrɯ̥u ʔbəɯ + “leaf” A1 A1+ cʰu²⁴ ʔbaɯ²⁴cʰu²⁴ ʔbaɯ²⁴cʰu²⁴ ʔbaɯ²⁴cʰu²⁴ baɰ¹⁴chuu¹⁴ ʔbəɯ²⁴cʰu²⁴ ʔbɯ²⁴cʰu²⁴ ʔbəɯ²⁴ cʰu²⁴ ʔbaɯ¹¹ cʰu³⁵ ʔbeɯ³⁵cʰu³⁵ an³⁵ðu³⁵, ʔbɑɯ²⁴ðu²⁴ ɹ̝u²⁴ six 姓 xrok D1S cʰɔk⁵⁵ cʰuɔk⁵⁵ cʰoak⁵⁵ cʰɔk⁵⁵ cʰɔk⁵⁵ cʰɔk⁵⁵ cʰʷɔk⁵⁵ cʰʷɔk⁵⁵ cʰɔk⁵⁵ cʰɔk⁵⁵ ðɔk¹¹ ɹ̝ɔk̚²² laugh, to 笑姓 xrua A1 kʰu²⁴ kʰu²⁴ kʰu²⁴ kʰu²⁴ kʰuu¹⁴ kʰu²⁴ kʰu²⁴ kʰu²² kʰo³⁵ kʰo³⁵ ðo³⁵ ɹ̝u²⁴ In Nong and Min Zhuang, words that result from PT xr- appear to have developed similarly to those from PT khr- and khl-, just as Li describes: “In the CT dialects, it merges with khr- and khl- and is represented by h-, kh-, khj-, s-, or š- according to dialects probably under the influence of the following vowel” 1977:233. Like with khr- and khl- we see a Nong reflex of c ʰ- and a Min reflex of ð-. For the word glossed as “to laugh,” the Nong forms are not velar rather than palatal. Though all of our data for khr- and khl- showed palatalized reflexes, with such few data it is quite possible that not all forms for those clusters, like this form from the xr- cluster, underwent palatalization, so k ʰ- may well remain an additional Nong reflex for all three clusters. 31 32 A kapok is a tropical tree, Ceiba pentandra, which has a cotton-like fibrous substance surrounding its seeds which can be used for stuffing cushions, etc.

3.4.11 Labio-Velar Initials in Nong and Min Zhuang Li 1977, ch. 12 PT kw-, PCT kw- Li 1977, §12.1