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When the five tonal patterns listed in 14 are examined, we find that the second syllable of each of these exceptions to the sandhi pattern contains either a H or a M
1
. The hypothesis, however, that the presence of these tones in some way hinders sandhi is overridden by Pike since she gives one example of a word with a
M
2
M
1
-H pattern which participates in the sandhi described in §2.2.2.1, reproduced here as 15.
15 M
2
M
1
-H participates in sandhi Pike 1956:62 Trigger
Target Result
ts︢hʔei˩˦ +
ts︢ha˧kĩ˦˥ → ts︢hʔei˩ ts︢ha˦kĩ˦˥
‘take ǃ’
‘firewood’ ‘buy firewood
ǃ’ It is evident from 15 that the presence of H and M
1
on the second syllable of the target word does not prevent sandhi from occurring. There is also a group of trisyllabic word tone patterns that resist sandhi on
their first syllable. All of these patterns begin with the M
2
M
1
pattern on the first two syllables. The word patterns are listed in 16.
16 Trisyllabic word patterns resistant to tone sandhi on the first syllable
M
2
M
1
M
2
M
2
M
1
M
2
-M
1
M
2
M
1
M
1
-H M
1
M
2
L The final trisyllabic word pattern that resists perturbation is placed in parentheses because it is only
resistant to sandhi under certain conditions such as if it is a loan word from Spanish, or if the underlying representation contains a rising contour on the first syllable which has already been altered by sandhi. The
interested reader is referred to the original article for more details. It is suspicious that the second syllable once again contains the M
1
tone in most cases that are resistant to sandhi; however, an all-encompassing generalization is not forthcoming. Pike is very thorough
in her description of what is possible in the tone system of Soyaltepec; however, the system she describes requires lists or classes of words which are difficult to generalize.
2.2.2.4 Sandhi and Enclitics
In general, the sandhi which takes place within other grammatical words that has been discussed above applies in the same way to enclitics including the Mid-high to High contour sandhi which splits and
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replaces the tone on a mid-toned enclitic. There are, however, two notable patterns that are unique. First, the tone on monosyllabic targets with Low tones can be replaced by a level Mid-high tone instead of
forming the falling contour that was demonstrated in §2.2.2.1 and §2.2.2.2. Second, the tone on an
enclitic with an underlying Mid to Mid-high contour tone can be raised to a Mid-high to High contour. I discuss each in turn.
The Low tone of a monosyllabic target, whether a member of the grammatical word or in a following word, is usually replaced by a falling Mid-high to Low contour tone when perturbed by a rising
contour i.e., M
2
-M
1
, L-M
1
or M
1
-H. This is also true of enclitics except when the enclitic consists only of a vowel or an h plus vowel. The tone on the enclitic is replaced by a level Mid-high tone 17.
17 Enclitic perturbation resulting in a level mid-high tone Pike 1956:64
Trigger Target
Result a.
sa˦˥ + -
a˩ →
sa˧-a˦ ‘moon’
‘this’ ‘this moon’
b. ku ˧ni˧˦ + -i˩
→ ku˧ni˧-i˦
‘monkey’ ‘this’
‘this monkey’ c. wa˧ku˦˥ + -hi˩
→ wa˧ku˧-hi˦
‘to teach’ ‘you sg.’
‘you, emphasis, teach’ The examples in 17a and c involve perturbation caused by Mid-high to High
˦˥ contour while the example in 17b involves the Mid to Mid-high
˧˦ contour. The results for all three examples are tonally equal: the trigger syllable acquires a Mid tone, the target syllable acquires a Mid-high tone and the
original Low tone on the target syllable is delinked and presumably deleted. Interestingly, this is the only instance in which the type of onset or lack thereof is relevant in Pike’s analysis. Pike does not offer any
examples of the perturbation produced by the L-M
1
contour in combination with a monosyllabic low-toned enclitic; however, she states that it behaves as has been described here.
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The second difference in the sandhi of enclitics involves an underlying Mid to Mid-high ˧˦
contour. When added to a morpheme ending in a High tone whether level High or part of the Mid-high to High contour, the contour tone on the enclitic is raised as a unit to a Mid-high to High rise
˦˥ 18. 18
M
2
-M
1
contour raised to M
1
-H contour Pike 1956: 65 Trigger
Target Result
a. ni ˥khyẽ˥ +
- ni˧˦
→ ni˥khyẽ˥-ni˦˥
‘to feed’ ‘you for me’
‘you feed me’ b.
ts︢hwa˦˥ + -
ɲa˧˦ →
ts︢hwa˧-ɲa˦˥ ‘he gives’
‘it to us’ ‘he gives us’ 18a is an example of a High tone trigger while 18b is an example of a rising Mid-high to High trigger.
The important attribute of the trigger is that the final tone on the syllable is a High tone. In the case of 18a, the High tone is unaffected by the sandhi it causes, remaining High. This is the only case of
progressive perturbation within a phonological word caused by the High tone. In the result of 18b, the rising contour trigger is replaced by a Mid tone, so the Mid-high tone is completely removed, similar to the
split and shift above in §2.2.2.2. The process is noteworthy because it calls into question the behavior of
rising contour tones in Soyaltepec Mazatec, and the overall typology of tone languages. Previously, the behavior of the Soyaltepec rising tones that has been described made them appear to behave as two tones
attached to one syllable; however, this newly mentioned behavior makes them look more like units because the entire contour has shifted up by one pitch level as if it were a unit. Theoretically, the process would
change only the first tone of a concatenation of tones, not both tones. According to the typology originally described by K. Pike 1948, tone languages either have unitary contours or contours made up of
tautosyllabic juxtapositions of level tones. This process calls into question the concept that contour tones are either units or concatenations of level tones. The ability to rise as a unit should not co-exist with the
ability to divide the contour into two tones which end up on different syllables. This behavior was also reanalyzed in Pizer’s 1994 work.
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2.2.3 Change Caused for Grammatical Reasons
