Sandhi Surrounding the Mid-high to High Contour

52 b. nt ʃ︢e˩˦ + ts︢ʔa˧ts︢e˧ → nt ʃ︢e˩ tʃ︢e˦ts︢e˧ ‘cooked corn’ ‘she bought’ ‘she bought cooked corn’ c. t ʃ︢ʔei˩˦ + ts︢hu˩ → t ʃ︢ʔei˩ ts︢hu˦˩ ‘takeǃ’ ‘onions’ ‘buy onionsǃ’ d. t ᶘ︢hũ˩˦ + - hni˩ → t ᶘ︢hũ˩hni˦˩ ‘woman’ ‘our exc.’ ‘our exc. women’ In 6 the trigger syllable is a Mid to Mid-high rising tone, while in 7 the trigger is a Low to Mid-high rising tone. In 6a-c and 7a-b, the Mid-high that shifts from the trigger syllable completely replaces the tone that was previously on the target syllable. In 6d-e and 7d-e the tone that shifts joins the already existing tone on the syllable, creating a contour tone. In each case, the original trigger syllable takes on the level tone that was the initial member of the contour: in 6 a level Mid and in 7 a level Low. It is not significant whether or not the trigger and target syllables become part of the same grammatical word 6c, e and 7d or not 6a, b, d and 7a-c. The perturbation caused by the shift only affects the syllable that is directly adjacent to the trigger syllable; if the target syllable is part of a longer word the remainder of the word is unaffected. I have summarized the basic contour tone split and endpoint shift process that involves contour tones ending in a Mid-high tone. Following Pike, I have not attempted to write rules, but merely given examples as they occur.

2.2.2.2 Sandhi Surrounding the Mid-high to High Contour

Unlike the contours described above, the Mid-high to High contour tone does not split and shift in the expected manner. It is similar to the process just described in that the trigger syllable which had the contour always ends up as a level tone and the following syllable is always raised; however, the exact tones that result are not the tones predicted from the members of the contour. Sometimes the following syllable becomes a High tone; other times it becomes a Mid-high tone. The tone on the trigger syllable itself is replaced by a Mid tone which is not a member of the original contour. 53 The case that is most similar to the simple splitting and shifting already described involves perturbation across a word boundary. In this case, the Mid-high to High contour causes the first syllable of the following word to be replaced by a High tone. It is not like simple splitting and shifting because the trigger syllable is changed to a Mid tone rather than the original Mid-high tone of the contour. Examples appear in 8. The words which occur to the left of the arrow appear as they occur in isolation, to the right of the arrow the tones appear as they occur in combination, after sandhi has occurred. The syllables in focus are underlined. 8 M 1 -H contour split and shift across a word boundary Pike 1965:61-63 Trigger Target Result a. m a˧tʃ︢a˦˥ + ts︢e˧ → ma˧tʃ︢a˧ ts︢e˥ ‘it grows’ ‘guava’ ‘guavas grow’ b. t hĩ˦˥ + ni˧ʔja˧ → thĩ˧ ni˥ʔja˧ ‘is present’ ‘house’ ‘there is a house’ c. m a˧tʃ︢a˦˥ + ʃu˩ti˩ → ma˧tʃ︢a˧ ʃu˥ti˩ ‘it grows’ ‘tomatoes’ ‘tomatoes grow’ d. t i˩hi˦˥ + tha˩ts︢e˩ → ti˩hi˩ tha˥ts︢e˩ ‘bowl’ ‘new’ ‘a new bowl’ The examples in 8a-b involve targets with a Mid tone while 8c-d involve targets with a Low tone. In each example, the first syllable of the target is replaced with a level High tone as expected. However, in 8a-c, the trigger tone is replaced by a Mid tone rather the predicted Mid-high tone. There is no explanation for this unexpected difference. In 8d, the tone on the trigger syllable is replaced by a Low tone, rather than a Mid-high tone because it assimilates to the Low of its first syllable. For this process to occur with the resultant morpheme containing the expected High tone, as the examples above have shown, the target may not be a monosyllabic word with a Low tone. In this case, it will surface with a falling tone which begins at the Mid-high level instead of the High level 9. 54 9 M 1 -H tone sandhi across a word boundary with a monosyllabic L target Pike 1956:62 Trigger Target Result t ʃ︢hẽ˦˥ + tʃ︢u˩ → tʃ︢hẽ˧ tʃ︢u˦˩ ‘it is needed’ ‘animals’ ‘animals are needed’ The target syllable retains its tone similar to 6d-e and 7c-d above and incorporates the shifting tone from the trigger syllable creating a falling contour tone, M 1 -L. This situation of a monosyllabic target containing a L is the only case of M 1 -H perturbation across a word boundary that results in a M 1 on the resultant syllable instead of H. However, when the sandhi occurs within a newly created grammatical word, it always results in M 1 rather than a H, as the examples in 10 demonstrate. 10 M 1 -H sandhi within grammatical word Pike 1956:61-62 Trigger Target Result a. t s︢i˦˥ + se˧ → ts︢i˧se˦ ‘he makes’ ‘thick’ ‘he thickens’ b. n ta˦˥ + ʃkũ˩ → nta˧ʃkũ˦˩ ‘liquid’ ‘eyes’ ‘tears’ c. t s︢a˦˥ + ki˩ʃũ˩ → ts︢a˧ki˦ʃu˩ ‘caterpillar’ ‘charcoal’ ‘a black caterpillar’ Each result in 10 consists of a single grammatical word. By combining morphemes, a verb is formed in 10a while in 10b-c nouns are formed. The target in 10a contains a monosyllabic morpheme with a Mid tone which is changed to a Mid-high tone in the result. The target in 10b is also monosyllabic, but in this case it contains a Low tone which is retained and incorporates the Mid-high tone that shifted and lowered from the trigger contour in the result. The product is a falling contour, M 1 -L, similar to the case of the monosyllabic low toned target syllable discussed in 9 above. 10c demonstrates a disyllabic Low toned target which allows complete replacement of the tone on the first syllable and retains the Low tone on the second syllable. In each case, the original trigger syllable’s contour tone is replaced by a level Mid. 55 Pike notes that the perturbation caused by the M 1 -H contour tone is not altered by sandhi which has already occurred on the target syllable. Unlike the sandhi which was described in §2.2.1, the surface tone of individual constituents in isolation is irrelevant to the outcome, only the underlying tones are taken into account. 36 If the target syllable has an underlying Mid tone, the result will be a High tone on that syllable. In the case of 11, the target syllable contains a derived Mid-high tone which was originally a Mid tone. This syllable is still changed to a High tone when it is in the environment of the contour trigger in question. 11a demonstrates the contour triggered sandhi while 11b shows the formation of the target. 37 11 M 1 -H perturbation of a derived form with underlying M 2 Pike 1956:62-63 a. Trigger Target Result n ti˦˥ + thya˦ʔna˩ → nti˧ thya˥ʔna˩ ‘dirty’ ‘my arm’ ‘my arm is dirty’ b. Target Trigger Result thya˧ + - ʔna˩ → thya˦ʔna˩ ‘arm’ ‘my’ ‘my arm’ The sandhi demonstrated in 11 is analogous to the sandhi that was seen in 8a and b in which a M 1 -H contour perturbs the first syllable in the following word which had a Mid tone, 38 creating a High tone on that syllable and a Mid tone on the original syllable. The sandhi shown in 11b is an example of the regressive perturbation discussed in §2.2.1.1. The example in 12a, below, demonstrates again that the underlying tones are the agents of this sandhi, not the surface tones in isolation. It contains the same surface tones on the trigger and target 36 The relevance of the underlying tones as opposed to the surface tones also may add credence to the idea that the current sandhi is phonological whereas the previously described sandhi was a reflex of the phonetic manifestation of the words as opposed to a true phonological process. 37 Notice that this process of forming the target before the process in 11a takes place is artificial, the sandhi undoubtedly takes place as these three morphemes are brought from the lexicon together, rather than in two separate stages: i.e., thya˦ʔna˩ ‘my arm’ is not a fixed form in the lexicon, but is created when needed, ʔna˩ ‘my’ should be viewed as modifying the entire utterance rather than just the noun. 38 Pike does not give any examples of sandhi produced when the target syllable has an underlying M 1 . 56 morphemes as occurred in 11a, but the resultant tones are not the same. The targeted word in this case has surface tone which has already been altered by the regressive perturbation of a Low toned suffix that changes a High tone to a Mid-high tone as was described in §2.2.1.1 and demonstrated in 5b above and is repeated as 12b to show the formation of target word. In this case, the target word has an underlying High tone which blocks the expected sandhi of the contour tone, forcing the contour to remain unchanged. The surface Mid-high tone is now subject to the progressive perturbation that was described in §2.2.1.2 in which a High tone at the end of the trigger morpheme causes a Mid-high tone to surface as a Mid tone. 12a shows the perturbation that occurs while 12b demonstrates the formation of the target and its underlying form. 12 M 1 -H Perturbation of derived form with underlying H Pike 1956:60 a. Trigger Target Result tʃ︢ẽ˦˥ + tʃ︢ʔa˦ʔna˩ → tʃ︢ẽ˦˥ tʃ︢ʔa˧ʔna˩ ‘is needed’ ‘my father-in-law’ ‘my father-in-law is needed’ b. Target Trigger Result tʃ︢ʔa˥ + - ʔna˩ → tʃ︢ʔa˦ʔna˩ ‘father-in-law’ ‘my’ ‘my father-in-law’ The underlying form of the target in 12a has a High tone as is demonstrated in 12b which blocks the shifting from the contour tone trigger. The result in 12a shows that the contour does not change and the target syllable lowers to a Mid tone as was described above in §2.2.1.2. Another example in which the contour does not produce the expected sandhi occurs when the contour is placed adjacent to a word which begins with a Mid tone, but which had an underlying M 1 -H contour. Unlike the cases above in which a targeted Mid tone becomes a High tone in the resultant word, in this case no sandhi occurs, as is demonstrated in 13a. 13b shows the formation of 13a’s target word. 57 13 Blocked M 1 -H sandhi Pike 1956:64 Trigger Target Result a. wa ˧ku˦˥ + ʔẽ˧ɲu˦ma˩ → wa˧ku˦˥ ʔẽ˧ɲu˦ma˩ ‘he teaches’ ‘an Indian language’ ‘he teaches an Indian language’ b. ʔẽ˦˥ + ɲu˩ma˩ → ʔẽ˧ɲu˦ma˩ ‘word’ ‘poor’ ‘an Indian language’ In 13a, even though the environment for sandhi seems to be met, there is no change in the trigger or the target. 13b shows the formation of the compound noun which contains the targeted syllable for 13a. In a similar process as was described in 11 above, the M 1 -H contour shown in the trigger of 13b splits. The result is a M 2 appears on the original trigger morpheme and a M 1 occurs on the first syllable of the targeted morpheme as demonstrated in the result of 13b. This derived Mid tone is not perturbable as is demonstrated in 13a. In summary, like the M 2 -M 1 and L-M 1 contour tones, the sandhi of the M 1 -H tone usually has an effect on both trigger and target syllables, but in this case, the results are unexpected. The trigger syllable acquires a Mid tone rather than retaining its original Mid-high tone except in the case of Low tone assimilation shown in 8d. The target receives the expected High tone only if it is across a word boundary 8 and not a monosyllabic low-toned morpheme 9. When it is within a grammatical word, the target receives a Mid-high tone instead 10. The perturbation produced by the M 1 -H contour affects the underlying tone, not the surface tone 11 and 12 and is blocked by an underlying H or M 1 -H on the target syllable 12 and 13. It is this unusual combination of effects from the same contour tone which motivates Pizer’s 1994 analysis. Two environments have been demonstrated, other than isolation, in which contour remains intact: when the underlying tone of the target is H or M 1 -H. In the example given in 12, the target still undergoes the sandhi brought about by the final high tone, even though neither the effect of the contour nor the reciprocal effect is seen. In 13a there was no apparent perturbation. There are other exceptions to the 58 sandhi rules; Pike mentions several other environments which appear to be nonperturbable which will be discussed below.

2.2.2.3 Nonperturbable Sequences