Contour Final H Tones

76 The M 1 tones in 30a, b behave exactly like the M 1 tone in 29. In each example, the M 1 tone is deleted and the following H tone spreads left to take its place. The fact that the rule applies to the M 1 tone regardless of whether or not it is a member of a contour tone supports the theory that the rising tones are really two separate tones which happen to be linked to the same syllable. Unfortunately, the example used in 30a to demonstrate the change from a M 1 to a H when the M 1 is a member of a M 2 -M 1 rising contour, is inconsistent with the data from Pike 1956. The way Goldsmith has represented the data seems to indicate that a M 2 -H rising tone is formed when, in fact, the syllable in question emerges with a level H tone according to Pike. Recall from §2.2.1.1 that a High tone completely overwrites the tone that it perturbs, except in the case of the L-M 1 rising tone, as in 30b. Goldsmith does not address this discrepancy, but his work was not intended to be a complete analysis of Pike. His examples do show the indicated behavior, even if some questions are left unanswered.

2.3.2 Contour Final H Tones

Goldsmith’s second argument is similar to his first in that it shows the endpoint of a contour tone behaving in the same manner as a level tone; however, instead of being the target of change, the tone in question is the trigger of change. This argument highlights the progressive perturbation caused by the High tone or rising tones ending in a High tone that was discussed above in §2.2.1.2. The rule that Goldsmith 1990:42 writes to explain this behavior is repeated here as 31. 31 Creation of a H-M 1 falling tone Goldsmith 1990:42 . . . V . . . V H H M 1 The key environment for this rule is two adjacent words which each contain a final High tone. When this environment is met, the second final High tone is changed to a H -M 1 falling tone. For the application of this rule, the number of syllables in the words is irrelevant. He gives the following example to show the application of the rule when the trigger syllable is a level high tone. 77 32 Example of H-M 1 tone creation Goldsmith 1990:42 Underlying forms In context ho + thi ts ︢u ho thi ts ︢u H H H H H H M 1 ‘two’ ‘he is saying’ ‘he is saying two’ He gives examples of two rising tones that end in High, M 1 -H 33a and M 2 -H 33b, to demonstrate that they also trigger the same response in the following word. 33 A contour tone triggers H-M 1 tone creation Goldsmith 1990:42 a. M 1 -H as trigger Underlying forms In context khi nti + ki te → khinte ki te H M 1 H H H H M 1 H H H M 1 ‘baby’ ‘he danced’ ‘the baby danced’ b. M 2 -H as trigger Underlying forms In context nta + thikhye → nta thikhye M 2 H H H M 1 H H H M 1 ‘well’ ‘he is eating’ ‘he is eating well’ In the underlying forms found in 33, each phrase ends with a level High tone. In context, however, each phrase ends with the falling tone, H-M 1 . Again, the High tone that appears at the end of the rising tone in each of these examples is behaving the same way a High tone in isolation behaves, indicating that they are inherently the same.

2.3.3 X-M