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Register Tier Theory was demonstrated to both fully specify four levels of tone and allow enough flexibility to fully describe and explain the tonal phenomena present in an insightful manner. Specifically,
the explanation of the lowering behavior of the floating Mid-high tone hinges on RTT features and the geometry which allows two tonal features to be specified separately and function either as a unit or
separately. Examples such as those in 1 in which a floating M
1
causes the following syllable to assume its value through spreading both the tonal melody and the tonal register are not surprising; however, the
resulting Low tone on the final syllable is surprising unless the M
1
is specified to contain a l-register which can spread independently.
1 The M
1
raises the adjacent syllable and lowers the following syllable ndɛ˧˦ + tia˧wa˧ → ndɛ˧ tia˦wa˩
‘shoe’ ‘white’ ‘white shoe’ When the M
1
tone is specified to contain a l-register as prescribed by RTT, simple register spreading without tonal melody spread accounts for the surface tone. The example in 2 reconfirms that the l-
register from the M
1
can spread completely independently of its tonal melody. 2
The lowering behavior of the M
1
tu˧˦ + si˧nɛ˥ → tu˧ si˩nɛ˦ ‘fruit’ ‘yellow’ ‘yellow fruit’
The features and geometry of RTT simply and elegantly explain this otherwise mysterious behavior.
6.3 Tonal Processes of Soyaltepec Mazatec and the UAC
When the structure of the tonal primitives is defined according to the geometry of RTT as I have suggested in this dissertation, the tonal processes of Soyaltepec Mazatec are readily understandable and
explainable. Most of the tonal behavior exhibited can be explained without unusual or complicated rules. The tonal redistribution that occurs is simply the alignment and linkage of tones according to the UAC
applied over the phonological domain, i.e., in a one tone to one TBU ratio from left to right with several stipulations that will be highlighted below.
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When the number of tones sponsored by a single morpheme exceeds the number of TBUs, the morpheme will have an optional contour tone on its final syllable when articulated in isolation depending
on the idiolect of the speaker; however, when the phonological domain is expanded to multiple morphemes the extra tone can be expressed on the following morpheme. This process is illustrated in 3.
3 Illustration of UAC
a. Soyaltepec Data tu
˧˦ + su˩sɛ˩ → tu˧ su˦sɛ˩ ‘fruit’ ‘green’ ‘green fruit’
b. Simple obedience to UAC: Underlying tones
ː h l
L H l
L
tu su s
ɛ Application of UAC
ː h
l L H
l L
tu su s
ɛ Results in correct surface tones
ː M
2
M
1
L tu˧ su˦sɛ˩
In 3 the total number of lexical tones exactly matches the number of available TBUs and a one to one match up is uncomplicated.
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The straightforward application of the UAC over a phonological domain is not without its problems, however. For example, when the total number of tones specified for an utterance exceeds the
number of TBUs available, preference within each morpheme is given to the tones which originate lexically on that morpheme. In 4 a simple redistribution of tones within the phonological domain
according to the UAC would cause the incorrect alignment represented in 4b. However, when preference is given to the lexical tones of each morpheme as demonstrated in 4c, the correct surface form emerges.
4 Illustration of UAC with preference for lexical tones
a. Soyaltepec Data tu
˧˦ + si˧nɛ˥ → tu˧ si˩nɛ˦ ‘fruit’ ‘yellow’ ‘yellow fruit’
b. Simple obedience to UAC without regard for morpheme boundaries: Underlying tones
ː h l
L H h h
L H
tu si n
ɛ Application of UAC
:
130
h l
L H h h
L H
tu si n
ɛ Resulting in incorrect surface tones
ː M
2
M
1
M
2
-H tu˧ si˦ nɛ˧˥
130
I have allowed the extra tone at the end to link forming a contour tone as is usually the case in Soyaltepec Mazatec; this tone may also be left floating as occurs in some idiolects.
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c. Obedience to UAC allowing linkage of morpheme specific tones before sandhi: Underlying tones
ː h l
L H h h
L H
tu si n
ɛ Application of UAC at morpheme level
:
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h l
L H h h
L H
tu si n
ɛ OCP merger of h-register:
h l
L H h
L H
tu si n
ɛ l-register spread with h-register delink:
h l L H
h L H
tu si n
ɛ l-register spread with h-register delink an iterative process:
h l L H
h L H
tu si n
ɛ
131
Multiple linkages occur only as a last resort at the end of the derivation when a completely unassociated TRN exists word finally.
303
Resulting in correct surface tones ː
M
2
L M
1
tu˧ si˩nɛ˦ Notice that when preference is given to lexically specified tones before floating tones are allowed to
associate, a complication arises in disyllabic words which sponsor one TRN. Instead of simple association to available TBUs, a process of delinking will have to occur and the availability of the syllable will need to
be specified using reference to multiple linkages. This does not change the overall process, but if preference is given in one instance, it must be given to both and an additional delinking step must be added
for the sake of consistency. An alternate explanation for the preference of morphemes for their lexically prescribed tones is to
propose that the tones are pre-linked in the lexicon, making the application of the UAC unnecessary. There are morphemes in Soyaltepec Mazatec which must have at least some of the tones pre-linked. For example,
there are two types of disyllabic words which host a M
2
and a M
1
. The words in 5a must contain a lexically linked tone while the words hosting the same tones in 5b can have their tones linked through the
application of the UAC. The fact that both tone patterns are attested confirms that at least some tones must be pre-linked in the lexicon of Soyaltepec Mazatec.
5 Lexically prescribed tones in Soyaltepec Mazatec
a. M
2
pre-linked b. M
2
linkage UAC assigned SM
Gloss SM
Gloss t
ʃ︢a˧ngi˧˦ ‘plum’
t ʃ︢a˧nga˦
‘old’ ku˧ni˧˦
‘monkey’ ka˧sĩ˦
‘neck’ na˧ɲa˧˦
‘dog’ na˧hɲa˦
‘dream’ The words in 5a must minimally contain the linkage of the Mid tone to the second syllable as depicted in
6 while the words in 5b may exist in the lexicon with no linkages depicted.
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6 Minimal underlying tonal association mandated by the forms in 5a
h l L H
t ʃ︢a ngi
‘plum’ Assuming a form such as that in 6 still allows the first syllable to be linked via the UAC which calls for
the first tone of the morpheme to be linked to the first TBU whether it is already linked or not. Alternately, both syllables of the morpheme may be pre-linked to the M
2
. The only other alternative would be that two M
2
tones exist in the lexical entry for this morpheme so that the tonal assignment would be M
2
M
2
M
1
̠ forcing an OCP merger after the UAC applies, but this seems the least likely option.
The tonal process described in §5.2.2 and §5.2.4 in which a suffixed morpheme causes the linkage
of a Low tone to the final syllable of the stem also necessitates a lexically prescribed tone linkage. Consider the example in 7 in which the M
2
on the clitic must be lexically linked to force the L tone to link preferentially to the stressed syllable of the stem rather than to the clitic as left to right directionality would
predict. 7
L attaches to the left, not to the right a. Data to be explained
ts︢a˧ + -˩ri˧ → ts︢a˧˩-ri˧ not t
s︢a˧-ri˩˧ ‘bag’ ‘your’ ‘your bag’
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b. Process reflecting lexically linked M
2
on the clitic correctly yielding ts︢a˧˩-ri˧
Underlying forms Surface Linkages
132
h l h
h l h L
L L L L
L ts︢a
-ri ts︢a
ri ‘bag’
‘your’ ‘your bag’
c. Process with no lexical linkages incorrectly yielding t s︢a˧-ri˩˧
Underlying UAC obedient Linkages
h l h
h l h L
L L L L
L ts︢a
-ri ts︢a
ri ‘bag’
‘your’ ‘your bag’
The process actually calls into question the application of the UAC in Soyaltepec because the Low tone supplied by the clitic must attach to the left of its source, forming a contour word medially. There are also
examples of morpheme medial contours which must employ lexically prescribed linkages such as the examples in 8.
8 Morphemes with internal contour tones
SM Gloss
ja˦˥tʃ︢ĩ˧˦ ‘women’ ku˦˥tʃ︢a˦ ‘how’
tu˦˥ʃʔĩ˥ ’bellybutton’
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The final structure will reflect OCP necessitated mergers which are left to the reader at this time.
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Despite the examples which necessitate lexically prescribed tone linkages, for the majority of the words and processes in Soyaltepec Mazatec, the application of the UAC is not contraindicated with the following
stipulations: 1. The phonological domain encompasses the entire noun phrase or a verb and closely
associated nouns when the number of TBUs in the domain is equal to the number of TRNs and at least one morpheme has less TRNs than TBUs or if the following
morpheme is monosyllabic. 2. Despite the ability to spread extra tones across morpheme boundaries, preference is still given
to lexically prescribed tones. 3. There are some tones that must be linked in the lexicon and, or the direction of alignment may
need to be specified lexically for some morphemes. 4. An unassociated tone between two linked tones within a grammatical word will associate to a
stressed syllable if available. In general, having a few tones which need to be linked in the lexicon does not contraindicate the
application of the UAC, and assuming its general precepts simplifies the explanation of the tonal processes that occur. However, it is clear that it cannot be seen as a strict, universal convention. Whether or not the
analyst chooses to presuppose the UAC or to assume that most tones are linked in the lexicon, the depiction of the tones using RTT is useful to the understanding of the system.
6.4 Tonal Typology
