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The structure in 32b is unusual and perhaps deletion to remove the TRN in the center of the structure is indicated; however, the linkage here depicts the close relationship between the morphemes and mirrors the
process which will be demonstrated when a l-register is present. There is insufficient evidence to assert a conclusive mechanism without comparison with the effects of the M
1
floating tone that will be discussed below.
In summary, when there is an available syllable with an opened TBU, both the register and melody of the floating H from the M
1
-H dock to that TBU as is the case in 27 and 29 above. However, when the adjacent syllable is specified for tonal melody but shares a register feature as in 31, the register
feature is able to attach while the H tonal melody appears to disappear. The behavior of and effects from the floating tone will become clearer when the M
2
-M
1
cluster is examined. Since the behavior is only hypothesized at this point, I will leave schematization until there is more evidence. It is clear that a rigid
application of the UAC does not occur. In order to explain the above behavior while still incorporating the UAC, either the tones of the second morpheme must be pre-linked in the lexicon, or the lexical tones for
each individual morpheme must be allowed to preferentially attach before floating tones. It is not surprising that the UAC would act first over lexical items; however, it has been shown in §5.3.1.1 and §5.3.1.2 that it
can apply across the entire phonological domain rather than preferentially at the lexical level when the numbers of TBUs equals the number of TRNs in that domain.
5.3.1.4 Juxtaposition of the M
1
-H with a Monosyllabic H Toned Word
Up to this point, all of the environments demonstrated have been disyllabic. Below, an example of floating H behavior when followed by a monosyllabic word is discussed. It is common for a single syllable
High toned word to follow the M
1
-H contour. In this situation, the behavior is parallel to that described above in
§5.3.1.3. The syllable that hosted the contour will be left with a level Mid-high tone while the juxtaposed High toned word will be left unchanged. Just as example 31 above, in 33 the floating tone
and the following syllable share the same register and the tonal melodies are fully specified. In this case, the tonal melody is identical as well. There is no apparent effect on the following syllable.
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33 M
1
-H juxtaposed with monosyllabic H a. Data to be explained
na˧ʃu˦˥ + hma˥ → na˧ʃu˦ hma˥ ‘flower’ ‘black’ ‘black flower’
b. UR h l h
h L H H
H na
ʃu hma
c. When juxtaposed, UAC h l h h
L H H
H na
ʃu hma
d. Surface structure after OCP merger or deletion h l h
L H H
na ʃu
hma
In this case when the floating tone links to the following syllable, the tonal features are completely identical 33c so a complete TRN merger can occur 33d; alternatively, the duplicated High tone may simply delete.
In this environment, there is never a rising contour on the original host syllable so the situation is not analogous to isolation.
5.3.1.5 Juxtaposition of the M
1
-H with a Monosyllabic L Toned Morpheme
Placing a monosyllabic L toned word after the M
1
-H provides an analogous structural environment to that which was discussed in §5.3.1.3 and §5.3.1.4 in terms of the number of available TBUs on the
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juxtaposed morpheme. If the behavior of the mobile tone is dependent on the structure, we can extrapolate the behavior from that already witnessed and expect to see similar results, i.e., no visible consequence on
the following morpheme. Unlike the situation above in which the targeted syllable contains the same
features H, h as the floating tone, when the M
1
-H is followed by a monosyllabic L toned word both the tonal register and the tonal melody of the following syllable are different L l. Because of the differences,
no merger is possible; therefore, we are able to determine if the tonal features are being blocked due to the presence of a TRN on the adjacent TBU or if they are merging with identical features.
Because neither monosyllabic Low toned words nor M
1
-H clusters appear as common modifiers, examples in which Low toned words are preceded by M
1
-H cluster are rare within noun phrases; however, examples can be found when verb phrases are included. When a verb is closely associated with the
following noun, sandhi is possible 34. In 34b the behavior of the floating tone is identical to the floating tone attachment that we saw above in the cases of disyllabic Low toned words and disyllabic Mid toned
words. The difference that appears is that there is not an extra TBU. In this case, a contour falling from a High tone to a Low tone is formed as is demonstrated by the two TRNs which are associated to one TBU
34c. 34
M
1
-H juxtaposed with monosyllabic L a. Data to be explained
thĩ˦˥ + hnɛ˩ → thĩ˦ hnɛ˥˩ ‘there are’ ‘palms’ ‘there are palms’
b. UR l h
l H
H L
thĩ hn
ɛ
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c. UAC l
h l
H H
L thĩ
hn ɛ
The monosyllabic environment does not allow the displacement of the tonal information to a following syllable. Rather than overwriting the lexical tones on the targeted morpheme which has the potential to
result in ambiguity, both tones are maintained on the same TBU. All of the lexically supplied tonal features from both morphemes are expressed.
An analogous example is found when a Low toned suffix is added to a noun with a M
1
-H cluster 35. Once again the floating tone preferentially attaches to the right 35b.
35 M
1
-H juxtaposed with monosyllabic L toned affix a. Data to be explained
ʃka˦˥ + -ʔna˩ → ʃka˦ʔna˥˩ ‘pants’ ‘my’ ‘my pants’
b. UR l h
l H
H L
ʃka -
ʔna c. UAC
l h
l H
H L
ʃka ʔna
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A cross morphemic linkage is formed between the H TRN and the TBU of the suffix. Once again, the falling contour that is formed is maintained in the surface pronunciation. The surface structure would
appear after OCP merger of the two H tonal melodies. These two examples demonstrate that the mobile H from the M
1
-H is preferentially expressed on the following morpheme even when there is not an available TBU which is in agreement with the
universally expected rightward movement of tones Cahill 2007.
5.3.1.6 Summary
