Internal Migration in Contemporary Kyrgyzstan

3.2.1 Internal Migration in Contemporary Kyrgyzstan

Kyrgyzstan is a country with a high migration rate. With a negative net migration rate of -7.13 migrants/1000 people according to the population census 2009, Kyrgyzstan’s outmigration is one of the highest worldwide (CIA, 2013): 20% of the population migrates to Russia and Kazakhstan in order to find economic opportunities (Thieme, 2012, p.2). This explains the relatively low population growth rate despite increasing birth- and decreasing death-rates (CIA, 2013). In addition, there are a large number of people migrating internally. A case study of Thieme (2012, p.6) on a village in Osh oblast shows that 45% of the migrants are internal migrants, whose destination is mainly Bishkek, followed by Osh. In the case study of Schmidt and Sagynbekova (2008, p.119), carried out in three villages in Jalalabat oblast, 30% of the migrations were internal migrants which move mainly to Bishkek, but also to Jalalabat and Osh. Again another source was found where the authors estimated that internal migration even exceeds international migration (Azimov and Azimov, 2009, p.5-6). As an example they illustrated the migration numbers of a district in the southern oblast Batken: 90% of the people who left the district moved to another place within Kyrgyzstan, while only 10% migrated across the borders of the country. Flynn and Kosmarskaya (2012, p.454) state that internal migration from rural to urban areas together with international migration to Russia and Kazakhstan must be counted to the main migration movements, internal migration seemed to have almost the same importance as international migration. The different results of these studies let assume that the share of internal migration on Kyrgyzstan is a country with a high migration rate. With a negative net migration rate of -7.13 migrants/1000 people according to the population census 2009, Kyrgyzstan’s outmigration is one of the highest worldwide (CIA, 2013): 20% of the population migrates to Russia and Kazakhstan in order to find economic opportunities (Thieme, 2012, p.2). This explains the relatively low population growth rate despite increasing birth- and decreasing death-rates (CIA, 2013). In addition, there are a large number of people migrating internally. A case study of Thieme (2012, p.6) on a village in Osh oblast shows that 45% of the migrants are internal migrants, whose destination is mainly Bishkek, followed by Osh. In the case study of Schmidt and Sagynbekova (2008, p.119), carried out in three villages in Jalalabat oblast, 30% of the migrations were internal migrants which move mainly to Bishkek, but also to Jalalabat and Osh. Again another source was found where the authors estimated that internal migration even exceeds international migration (Azimov and Azimov, 2009, p.5-6). As an example they illustrated the migration numbers of a district in the southern oblast Batken: 90% of the people who left the district moved to another place within Kyrgyzstan, while only 10% migrated across the borders of the country. Flynn and Kosmarskaya (2012, p.454) state that internal migration from rural to urban areas together with international migration to Russia and Kazakhstan must be counted to the main migration movements, internal migration seemed to have almost the same importance as international migration. The different results of these studies let assume that the share of internal migration on

International migration mainly happens to CIS-Countries like Kazakhstan and Russia, while for internal migration occurs mainly in these three forms: (1) In the north from rural areas to Bishkek, (2) from Southern Oblasts to Chui (including Bishkek) and Yssik-Kul Oblast, and (3) in the South from rural areas to the towns Jalalabad and Osh (BMP, 2011, p.69), while generally migration flows from the south of Kyrgyzstan are most prevalent (Thieme, 2012, p.5). Basically, internal migration has the direction from rural to urban areas. The population size of Bishkek and Osh dramatically increased through internal migration in recent years, while other towns and especially rural areas show a negative migration rate. With the exception of the Chui Valley, no other rural area has a positive internal migration value (Schuler, 2007, p.83). Both international and internal migration are important livelihood strategies for the rural population (Schmidt and Sagynbekova, 2008, p.116).

While the focus of research on migration in Central Asia lies on international migration, there is still

a number of – mainly quantitative – research on internal migration conducted in Kyrgyzstan, most of it in Russian language (Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012, p.455). Most research on internal migration in Kyrgyzstan is conducted on migration to Bishkek from northern rural areas as well as from the Southern regions (e.g. Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012; Hatcher, 2011; Nasritdinov, Zhumadakyr and Asanalieva, 2012; Azimov and Azimov, 2009), which seems to be the biggest migration flow within the country (Schmidt and Sagynbekova, 2008, p.117; Thieme, 2012, p.1). Similar to other post-Soviet Central Asian cities, most of migrants in Bishkek are internal migrants (Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012, p.454). 1.5 million people out of the whole population of 5.4 million live in Bishkek (Thieme, 2012, p.5). After the general increasing of migration since late Soviet period due to the release of migration restrictions, there was a second rise of migration especially from the South to the North after 2005 as a consequence to the tulip revolution and the shift of the presidency to a president hailing from the South, Bakiev, which stimulated the migration from the South to the North (Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012, p.453 and p.458). Research on internal migration to Bishkek pays special attention on so-called Novostroikas, which are unplanned squatter settlements in the outskirts of Bishkek, a by-product of migration (Hatcher, forthcoming). In 2012, 48 Novostroikas were counted around Bishkek, which were inhabited by 300’000 to 400’000 people, what builds one third of the whole city population (Nasritdinov, Zhumadakyr and Asanalieva, 2012, p.7).

“The later development of Novostroikas, especially after the privatisation of land in 1998, was a result, however, of illegal land grabbing and housing construction largely by internal migrants from other, often rural, regions of the cou ntry.” (Hatcher, forthcoming)

Even though some of them are legalized, others remain illegal and people there are deprived from

a number of rights, amongst others things because of the lack of registration. Currently there are four illegal Novostroikas existing in the outskirts of Bishkek (Hatcher, forthcoming). Most of internal migrants living in Novostroikas aren’t registered, even if the Novostroikas are legalized (UNECE, 2010, p.16).

As mentioned above, there are also noteworthy migration flows from the South to Chui and Yssik- Kul Oblast. The Chui valley is the most industrialized region of the country and irrigation projects facilitate a high agricultural production, therefore it has been a centre of immigration since the end of the 19 th century (Schuler, 2007, p.75). The destinations of people who migrate to Yssik-Kul Oblast are mainly tourist centres like Bosteri or Cholpon-Ata, where they try to find seasonal work in the tourist sector (Rashimov, n.d.)

People who migrate within the South of the country originate from different rayons in all the three southern Oblasts Osh, Jalalabat and Batken and move to the centres Osh and Jalalabat. In the mentioned studies on migration within Kyrgyzstan (Thieme, 2012; Schmidt and Sagynbekova, 2008), Osh was a more prevalent destination than Jalalabat. The facts that Osh is the second biggest city in the country and is considered to be the southern capital of Kyrgyzstan (Fuhrmann, 2006, p.22) let assume that it is the main attracting point for internal migrants within the south. However, internal migration within the south of Kyrgyzstan remains largely neglected and unexplored. There is one report of Sanghera et al. (2012) on “Illegal Settlements and City Registration in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan” which touches the concerns of internal migrants without registration in Osh, whereas one chapter is dedicated on the living conditions of migrants living in Osh (compare 5.1.2.1).

If the ethnicity of the internal migrants is analysed, it become clear that the ethnic Kyrgyz are the most numerous group of internal migrants, in all of the three mentioned main directions. The migration patterns of Uzbeks though are quite different: Indeed they also leave their places of origin which are mainly located in South Kyrgyzstan to migrate to the Greater Bishkek area. However, looking at the migration of Uzbeks within the South, it become evident that they more leave the urban sites like Osh and Jalalabat and settle down in neighbouring rural areas (Schuler, 2007, p.84). Possibly this happens due to ethnic tensions in those towns. Further, the Russians don’t contribute noteworthy to internal migration, usually they are rather immobile.

“In many post-Soviet states, internal migration is taking place as a result of widespread economic crisis and ineffective reform of the rural economy.” (Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012, p.454)

The land in rural areas is rather scarce and the unemployment high (ibid.). Migration from rural to urban areas is therefore a consequence of lacking income generation facilities. Moldobaeva (2007) argues that in contrast to international migration, where the purpose is often a better income, the purpose for internal migration is mostly more pressing, not only to earn more, but to earn at all. However, Thieme (2012, p.1) states that particularly young people not only migrate for economical, but also for educational purposes.

As discussed above, Skeldon (2008) points out the interlinkages between internal and international migration. Several authors illustrate those linkages: Schuler (2007, p.82) explains that internal migrants often replace the workforce which got lost from international migration, which is mainly an urban phenomenon. Thieme (2012, pp.7-9) points out how international and internal migration can be linked in the process of return migration to Kyrgyzstan: The purpose why people emigrate to the neighbouring countries Russia and Kazakhstan is often to save enough money to purchase a house in their home country Kyrgyzstan. However, people from rural areas seldom return back to their place of origin. Very often they resettle in a more urban place like Bishkek after their return, in order to get better access to education for their children. Mainly they resettle in Bishkek with its suburbs, sometimes also in Osh or Jalalabat. If they plan to go back to their rural place of origin, this happens mostly not before retirement. In other words those migrants have the intention to migrate within Kyrgyzstan from a rural to a urban area, and for that purpose they first become international migrants, in order to enable themselves to have enough incentives to purchase a house or an apartment in that urban area, which is mostly Bishkek. International migration here becomes the precondition for internal migration.

Internal Migration already existed in Soviet Union, but in a much smaller extent (Schmidt and Sagynbekova, 2008, p.114). After 1990, when Akaev came to power the restrictions on movement were released and a new wave of migration was the consequence (Flynn and Kosmarskaya, 2012, p.456).