A.1 is Kongsi Bangun. He is the husband of Ngemat Beru Tarigan. A.2 A.3, A.4, A.5, and A.6 are the children of A.1 and A.2. They are sisters and
brothers. A.7 is Sarwan Surbakti. He is the husband of Rina Beru Bangun.A.3
A.5 is Jaya Bangun. He is the husband of Mia Beru Karo.A.9 A.4 is Abadi Bangun. He is the husband of Norma Beru Pelawi.A.8
A.11 is Juanto Surbakti. A.12 is Jointa Surbakti.
A.13 is Isma Beru Bangun. He is the wife of Wisata Tarigan A.14 A.19 is Santa Beru Bangun. He is the wife of Henri Sitepu A.24
A.20 is Eli Bangun. She is the wife of Mangkok Sinulingga A 25. A.22 is Andi Bangun.
A.13 is Evi Beru Bangun. She the wife of Adi Sinuraya A.16 A.14 is Lenti Beru Bangun. She is the wife of Musti Barus A.17
A.15 is Teger Bangun. A.21 is Desma Beru Bangun.
3.2.5 Anak Beru
In order to understand the meaning of Rakut Daliken si Telu that the Karonese owns, he or she needs to understand the Karonese kinship in advaced.
The kinship term will be produced by the marriage or in other words it can be said that the kinship term will be decided after the process of marriage happened. For
the unmarried Karonese, the kinship will be linked to the marriage of his or her parents.
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While we are talking about Rakut si Telu, we cannot be escaped from discussing the eight different sub-institutions. The eight different sub-institutions
are Anak Beru, Anak Beru Menteri, Sembuyak, Sembuyak Sepemeren, Sembuyak Separibanen, Sembuyak Sendalanen Sepengaloen, Kalimbubu, and Puang
Kalimbubu. These eight different institution are linked one another. None of them can be escaped from. We can see that as a Karonese baby born to the world he or
she has already possessed the eight sub-institutions. These systems are leading the kinship to have the extended family which is praticed by the Karonese society.
Now, before we go to discuss about the five different family’s names, Rakut Daliken si Telu three institutions, and the eight different sub-institutions,
it should be better if we look at the kinship chart or diagram that the Karonese families have. If we want to see the kinship diagram that Karonese families have
soon we can see its uniqueness of the systems. The fathers generate their families’ names to all of their generations, no matter that their generations are boys or girls.
And according to the Karonese system of marriage that they tend to engage their daughter to their nephews. This kind of engagement which the society of
Karonese prefer very much. So, now, the writer of this paper tries to draw the kinship diagram which is owned and practiced by the members of Karonese from
the past time till today. Based on the knowledge of this paper writer that it is important to make
this process clearly to the members of the Karonese people because otherwise we fall easily into the temptation to generalize into a sociological law the results of a
local merging of traits, or we assume that their union to be a universal phenomenon. The great period of Karonese, art was religiously motivated. Art
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pictured and made common property the religious scenes and dogmas which were fundamental in the outlook of that period. Modern Karonese aesthetics would
have been quite different if mediaeval art had been purely decorative and had not made common cause with religion.
As a matter of history great developments in art have often been remarkably separate from religious motivation., and use. Art may be kept
definitely apart from religion even where both are highly developed. In the past time or when Indonesian was under the Deutch colonist, art forms in pottery and
textiles command the respect of the artist in any culture, but their sacred bowls carried by the priests or set out on the altars are shoddy and the decorations crude
and unstylized. Museums have been known to throw out Karonese religious objects because they were so far below the traditional standard of workmanship.
The people have to put a frog there, the people who believe in ghosts say, meaning that the religious exigencies eliminate any need of artistry. This
separation between art and religion is not a unique trait of the society. The family’s names and so the sub-family’s names make the same distinction, though
they motivate it in various ways. They do not use their artistic skill in the service of religion. Instead, therefore, of finding the sources of art in a locally important
subject matter, religion, as older critics of art have sometimes done, we need rather to explore the extent to which these two can mutually interpenetrate, and
the consequences of such merging for both art and religion. The interpenetration of different fields of experience, and the consequent
modification of both of them, can be shown from all phases of existence: economics, sex relations, folklore, material culture, and religion. The process can
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be illustrated in one of the Karonese society who live outside the regency of Tanah Karo. Success in life, according to their beliefs, was due to personal contact
with the supernatural. Each mans vision gave him power for his lifetime, and in some areal or villages the society was constantly renewing their personal
relationship with the spirits by seeking further visions. Whatever the Karonese saw, an animal or a star, a plant or a supernatural being, adopted them as a
personal protege, and they could call upon them in need. They had duties to perform for their visionary patron, gifts to give them and obligations of all kinds.
In return the spirit gave them the specific powers they promised them in their vision.
In every great region of North Sumatera Povince which is inhabited by the Karonese society, this guardian spirit complex took different form according to
the other traits of the culture with which it was most closely associated. Both boys and girls, among these Karonese societies, went out into the mountains or the
biggest trees at adolescence for a magic training. From these places most of this region they are quite distinct from the guardian spirit practices. The climax of the
magic adolescent training for boys was the acquisition of a guardian spirit who by its gifts dictated the lifetime profession of the young man. He became a warrior, a
shaman someone who has supra natural or magicianist, a hunter, or a gambler according to the supernatural visitant. Girls also received guardian spirits
representing their domestic duties. So strongly is the guardian spirit experience among these peoples molded by its association with the ceremonial of adolescence
that anthropologists who know this region have argued that the entire vision com- plex of the Karonese who had the origin in puberty rites. But the two are not
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genetically connected. They are locally merged, and in the merging both traits have taken special and characteristic forms.
Anak Beru is one of the three different institutions according to the Karonese culture. Anak Beru has one sub-institution. It is Anak Beru Menteri. The
