276
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios
In this chapter I make the hypothesis that Parkari, like New Testament Greek, uses specific grammatical forms to mark Hearer-old information, which is either Discourse-
old or Discourse-new and part of an open scenario. Specifically I give evidence for the hypothesis that Parkari Main Verbs encode Discourse-new events, whereas Parkari
Nonfinal forms encode either Discourse-old events, or Discourse-new events which belong as Hearer-old items in the script sequence of the Main Verb’s scenario. Thus
Parkari Nonfinal verb forms function like Greek Prenuclear Aorist Participles in the Nominative.
10.1. Evidence for scenarios in Parkari
If information is indeed stored in experientially related clusters in the brain, then it is reasonable to expect that the grammar and lexical collocations of all languages reflect
this in some way. I argue that Parkari, like New Testament Greek, shows patterns of grammatical and lexical use which are fully consistent with the theory of mental
scenarios, but are hard to explain by other theories. Since mental scenarios provide a cultural classification of experience into prototypical chunks, and since languages often
mark in their grammar and vocabulary what is prototypical and what is contraexpectation, the grammar and lexicon of a language provide insights into the
cultural world of the speakers.
The norms for evaluating this theory are the transcultural scenarios which are part of all human experience. The test cases of the theory are those instances where the grammar
or lexicon presents as prototypical what we as a “foreign” audience, regard as unexpected. This mismatch in expectations shows up areas where culture affects how we
link, or fail to link, specific information in our minds.
Parkari, like New Testament Greek, uses specific grammatical forms both for Discourse-old information and for Discourse-new information which belongs to an open
or accessible scenario. In other words, the speaker’s criterion for grammatical choice is not whether the information is Discourse-old, but whether the speaker judges it to be
Hearer-old. This grammatical usage is in line with scenario theory, since all Hearer-old information, whether Discourse-old or Discourse-new, is already stored in a mental
scenario.
The contrast between Hearer-new and Hearer-old information will be demonstrated from seven Parkari texts. These are given in full in appendix
O , transcribed in
IPA
with a morpheme gloss and English translation. Lines are numbered for easy reference. The two
short Parkari texts which are quoted most frequently are given in translation below:
“My farmwork”—by Arzan Bhadoni Sawan 1
Having got up early in the morning I will go to take a walk round the land.
2 After taking a walk round I come back home again.
3 After coming home, I will drive the oxen and go to yoke the ox-team.
4 The ox-team goes.
5 After ploughing the land then I go and cut the sugarcane.
6 After cutting the sugarcane then having chopped it into sections
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 277
7 then again, back on the land, having made trenches
8 I plant sugarcane in the trenches.
9 After planting the sugarcane
10 then I fill it in, fill the trenches in.
11 After filling them in then I let the water into it.
12 After letting in the water, after it has filled, then I close the channel.
13 After closing it then I er take another walk round the land.
14 Then I close off the channel from the upper mouth.
15 After closing the channel I come back
16 and take a tour round the land.
17 Then if there are field-walls I trim the walls.
18 After trimming the walls I keep the walls straight.
19 If there is a mound, then I dig away the mound and level it up.
20 And I do fields in turn, trimming them well.
21 I make all the fields level,
22 in which the water may come really evenly
23 and the water may lie in the field just the same amount all over.
24 So in this way according to my own plan
25 I do my work in a good manner.
“Michael”—by John Hemoni Rathor 1
Once there was a boy. 2
His name was Michael. 3
This boy used to go every day to study in school. 4
But he used to go to school on the train. 5
But he always used to travel without paying his fare. 6
And when the inspector used to come to check the tickets, 7
then this boy used to hide in the toilet or under the seat. 8
One day the inspector caught hold of him. 9
When he checked his pockets 10
he found his Identity Card in his pocket 11
and on the card was written “Michael Christian”. 12
Then the inspector said to Michael 13
“You have become a Christian, but do what’s wrong. 14
Christian people don’t behave like this. 15
So why are you doing wrong like this?” 16
Then this boy became very ashamed, 17
and became very embarrassed. 18
Then Michael became a good Christian. 19
We should all 20
give up our bad deeds and do good deeds, 21
just as this boy became a good Christian.
See also: Appendix
O . Parkari Texts and Glosses
10.2. Discourse-new and Discourse-old events
Parkari, like New Testament Greek, regularly uses different verbal forms depending on whether events are Discourse-new or Discourse-old.
278 Section 3. Scenarios and Parkari
10.2.1. Discourse-new events are encoded by Main Verbs
Parkari regularly uses Main Verbs for Discourse-new events information status category 1
NEW
. Main verbs can be marked for
•
Tense Past, Present, Future
•
Aspect Perfective, Imperfective, Progressive, and
•
Mood Indicative, Imperative, Subjunctive. Past Tense Indicatives Perfective, Imperfective, and Progressive are marked for gender
masculine or feminine, singular or plural. Present Tense Indicatives Imperfective and Progressive, Future Tense Indicatives, Imperatives and Subjunctives are marked for
person 1st, 2nd, or 3rd, singular or plural, with the exception of Present Indicatives in the negative which are marked for gender. The Present Indicative Progressive has both
person and gender suffixes. Thus, Main Verbs in Parkari are always marked for
•
person glossed -P
•
gender glossed -G, or
•
both, for example relevant verbs bold:
“My farmwork” 1
ɦũ ħəʋɑɾ ɾ-o ʋel-o uʈʰ-en zɑ-iɦ ɓən-i mɑ̃ɦ ɗe-ʋ-ɑ ʧ̑əkəɾ
I morning of-G early-G get up-nonf go-fut.P land-G on give-inf-G tour Having got up early in the morning I will go to take a walk round the land.
“Michael” 1
ɦek sokɾ-o ɦət-o.
one child-G was-G Once there was a boy.
“The lame man and the blind man” 8b m
əɖʰ-o ɾi-o k-ɛ-ɦ ɾ-i-o, k-ɛ-ɦ “õdʰ-ɑ, …”
lame-G topic-G say-P-pres stay-pf-G say-P-pres blind-G … it’s the lame man talking, he says “Blind man, …”
10.2.2. Discourse-old events are encoded by Nonfinal forms
In contrast to the use of Main Verbs for Discourse-new events, Nonfinal verb forms are regularly used when referring to Discourse-old information information status
category 3b
GIVEN
textual-current. These Nonfinal forms mark neither person nor gender. This pattern occurs in all Parkari genres, but especially in procedural texts which
are characterized by the repetition of a Discourse-old event as a time setting for the subsequent Discourse-new event. This grammatical pattern is known as tail-head linkage,
where the “tail” from the previous sentence is repeated at the beginning or “head” of the new sentence
Levinsohn 1992 :169. This use of Parkari Nonfinal forms corresponds to
the Greek use of Prenuclear Participles especially Aorist to refer to Discourse-old information.
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 279
In the examples below, relevant Main Verbs, giving Discourse-new information, are bolded, whereas Nonfinal forms, repeating what is now Discourse-old information, are
underlined. The Nonfinal forms in Parkari have either the final morpheme -e glossed -NF or -en glossed -nonf which is probably a combination of -e plus
ǝn ‘and’. The nonfinal suffix -e is given a distinct gloss since it also occurs on lexical verbs when they
occur with an auxiliary verb, for example:
u ɾəm-e ɦek-e-ɦ.
he dance-NF can-P-pres
He can dance.
From “My farmwork” a procedural text of habitual behaviour using Future and Present tense forms:
“My farmwork” 1
ɦũ ħəʋɑɾ ɾ-o ʋel-o uʈʰ-en zɑ-iɦ ɓən-i mɑ̃ɦ ɗe-ʋ-ɑ ʧ̑əkəɾ
I morning of-G early-G get up-nonf go-fut.P land-G on give-inf-G tour Having got up early in the morning I will go to take a walk round the land.
2 ʧ̑əkəɾ ɗ-en pəsɛ ʋəɭ-e pɑs-o ɑʋ-õ-ɦ ɡʰəɾ-e.
tour give-nonf then again back-G come-P-pres house-loc After taking a walk round I come back home again.
3 ɡʰəɾ-e ɑʋ-en ʋəɭ-e ɖʰəɠ-ɑ ɦɑkəl-en zɑ-iɦ ɓõdʰ-ʋ-ɑ ʤ̑oɽ-o.
house-loc come-nonf again ox-G drive-nonf go-fut.P tie-inf-G ox-team-G
After coming home, I will drive the oxen to yoke the ox-team.
And again:
8 o ɽ-õ moẽ ʋəɭ-e kʰəm õ dʰ ʋeɾ-õ-ɦ.
trench-G in again sugarcane plant-P-pres I plant sugarcane in the trenches.
9 k ʰəmõdʰ ʋeɾ-e pəɾ-e
sugarcane plant-NF result-G
After planting the sugarcane 10
ən pəɦ u-ɑ nɛ ʋəɭ-e u-ɑ oɽ-õ ʋəɭ-e puɾ-õɦ.
and then that-G to again that-G trench-G again fill.in-P-pres then I fill it in, fill the trenches in.
11 pu ɾ-e pəɾ-e ən pəɦ u-ɑ m ʋəɭ-e sɑ-õ-ɦ poɳi.
fill.in-NF result-G and then that-G in again leave-P-pres water After filling them in then I let the water into it.
12 po ɳi sɑɗ-en
water leave-nonf
After letting in the water,
280 Section 3. Scenarios and Parkari
b ʰəɾ-ɑ-en ʋəɭ-e ʋɑʈəɾ nɛ bʰə̃dʰ kəɾ-õ-ɦ.
fill-pass-nonf again channel to closed do-P-pres after it has filled, then I close the channel.
13 b ʰə̃dʰ kəɾ-en pəsɛ ʋəɭ-e ɑ ɓən-i mɑ̃ɦ ʧ̑əkəɾ ɗj-õ-ɦ.
closed do-nonf then again er? land-G on tour give-P-pres
After closing it then I er take another walk round the land.
It should be noted that it is the concept that is Discourse-old, not the lexical item, e.g. “Malo’s wedding” a narrative text, in the Past tense:
27 … ɖʰɑɾsən mẽ səɽ-e ɠ-i-ɑ.
… Datsun in climb-nonf went-pf-G … we climbed into the Datsun.
29 p əsɛ ɖʰɑɾsən l-en …
then Datsun take-nonf … Then
having taken the Datsun …
Occasionally the Nonfinal Discourse-old form refers back to a verbless clause with an implied verb “to be”, for example “Michael”:
11 ən kɑɾɖʰ mɑ̃ɦ ləkʰ-əl ɦət-o mɑekəl ʋɪʃʋɑʃi.
and card on write-ppt was-G Michael Christian and on the card was written “Michael Christian”.
13 “t ũ ʋɪʃʋɑʃi tʰ-en ɠələt kom kəɾ-ɛ-ɦ.”
yous Christian become-nonf wrong work do-P-pres “You
have become a Christian, but do what’s wrong.”
Thus Parkari regularly uses Main Verbs for Discourse-new events, but Nonfinal verb forms for Discourse-old events. These Nonfinal forms may refer
•
to habitual events as in “My farmwork”
•
to future events as in “Breadpan”, or
•
to past events as in “Malo’s wedding”. In all cases the Nonfinal form refers to an event which temporally precedes the event
of the following Main Verb. Such events marked by tail-head linkage can be understood as the prototypical
sequential events in a script-type scenario. Indeed all procedural texts simply relate the key events of a prototypical script, and arguably all narratives are simply variations on a
theme based on one or more prototypical real-life scripts.
10.3. Nonfinal forms are used for all Hearer-old events
We have seen that Parkari regularly uses different grammatical forms for introducing Discourse-new events, and for referring back to Discourse-old events. However, the
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 281
grammatical forms marking Discourse-old events in Parkari can also be used for certain Discourse-new information not mentioned previously in the text. Such marking shows
that the information, though Discourse-new, belongs in an open or accessible scenario.
Since Discourse-new information from an open scenario is treated grammatically as old information, the grammatical distinction is not between Discourse-old and Discourse-
new, but between Hearer-old and Hearer-new. In other words, the speaker chooses grammatical forms according to whether he judges the information to be in the hearer’s
mental scenario bank or not.
Main verbs in main clauses introduce an event as Hearer-new. Such events are always Discourse-new. Main verbs in subordinate clauses such as “when” clauses are
usually Hearer-old. Nonfinal forms introduce an event as Hearer-old. Such events may be either
Discourse-old 3b
GIVEN
textual-current or 3c
GIVEN
textual-displaced or Discourse- new 2a
KNOWN
unused, 2b
KNOWN
inferrable, or 3a
GIVEN
situational as shown below.
10.3.1. Nonfinal verb forms for 2b
KNOWN
inferrable events
We have seen above that Parkari regularly uses a Nonfinal verb form when repeating Discourse-old information type 3b
GIVEN
textual-current. This Nonfinal verb form is also frequently used for Discourse-new events which belong in an open or accessible
scenario type 2b
KNOWN
inferrable. Such Discourse-new events are Hearer-old since they are already present in the hearer’s mental scenario for the Main Verb, for example:
“My farmwork” 1
ɦũ ħəʋɑɾ ɾ-o ʋel-o uʈʰ-en I morning of-G early-G get.up-nonf
Having got up early in the morning z
ɑ-iɦ ɓən-i mɑ̃ɦ ɗe-ʋ-ɑ ʧ̑əkəɾ
go-fut.P land-G on give-inf-G tour I will go to take a walk round the land.
Here “getting up” is Discourse-new, but is given the same Nonfinal grammatical form as Discourse-old information. I argue that this is because “getting up” is a prototypical
element in the “taking a walk round the fields” script, being a precondition to the main event. As all Parkari farmers tour the land first thing in the morning, these events are
closely linked culturally.
“My farmwork” 2
ʧ̑əkəɾ ɗ-en pəsɛ ʋəɭ-e pɑs-o ɑʋ-õ-ɦ ɡʰəɾ-e.
tour give-nonf then again back-G come-P-pres house-loc After taking a walk round I come back home again.
3 ɡʰəɾ-e ɑʋ-en ʋəɭ-e ɖʰəɠ-ɑ ɦɑkəl-en zɑ-iɦ ɓõdʰ-ʋ-ɑ ʤ̑oɽ-o.
house-loc come-nonf again ox-G drive-nonf go-fut.P tie-inf-G ox-team-G After coming home, I will drive the oxen and go to yoke the ox-team.
282 Section 3. Scenarios and Parkari
In 3 “driving oxen” is Discourse-new, yet is given the same Nonfinal verb form as “coming home” which is Discourse-old referring back to the Main Verb in 2. This is
because “driving oxen” is a prototypical element in the “yoking the ox-team” script, being a precondition to the main event. The Hearer-old verb form indicates that this event
is a prototypical part of the script in the scenario of the following Main Verb.
It can be seen, then, that the use of the Parkari Nonfinal form parallels the use of Greek Prenuclear Aorist Participles in the nominative case. These constructions are both
used to refer back to Discourse-old events as a setting for the following Main Verb, and also to refer to Discourse-new events in the script of the following Main Verb.
The subject of a Parkari Nonfinal form is normally the same as the subject of the Main Verb. However, there are exceptions, for example:
“My farmwork” 11 pu
ɾ-e pəɾ-e ən pəɦ u-ɑ m ʋəɭ-e sɑ-õ-ɦ poɳi.
fill.in-NF result-NF and then that-G in again leave-P-pres water After filling them in then I let the water into it.
12 po ɳi sɑɗ-en bʰəɾ-ɑ-en ʋəɭ-e ʋɑʈəɾ nɛ bʰə̃dʰ kəɾ-õ-ɦ.
water leave-nonf fill-pass-nonf again channel to closed do-P-pres After letting in the water, after it has filled, then I close the channel.
Here the event “being filled” is Discourse-new, yet is given the same nonfinal verb form as the Discourse-old information “letting in the water”. This is because “being filled” is a
prototypical element in the “closing the channel” script, being a precondition to the main event. The Hearer-old verb form indicates that this event is a prototypical part of the
script in the scenario of the following Main Verb.
The logical subject of “being filled” is not “I” but “the field”. Nevertheless the verb form simply indicates that this is a prototypical event in the “closing the channel” script.
The subject “the field”, even though different from the subject of the preceding and following events, need not even be mentioned since it is understood by the audience from
the scenario of the Main Verb.
The same pattern occurs in narrative, for example:.
“Michael” 3 e
sok ɾ-o tɑɾik tɑɾik ɪskul moẽ bʰəɳ-ʋ-ɑ zɑ-t-o.
this child-G daily daily school in study-inf-G go-impf-G This boy used to go every day to study in school.
4 p əɳ ɾel ɠɑ-i mẽ səɽ-en ɪskul zɑ-t-o.
but rail cart-G in climb-nonf school go-impf-G But he used to go to school on the train.
Here the Discourse-new information “climbing” on the train is presented as Hearer-old information, since climbing aboard various types of transport is a prototypical script
event in the scenario “going somewhere”.
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 283
“Michael” 19
əm-õ ɓədʰ-õ nɛ kʰəp-ɛ ke us-G all-G to must-P that
We should all 20
əmɑɾ-ɑ bʰũ-ɑ kom sɑ-en ʈʰɑuk-ɑ kom kəɾ-õ,
our-G bad-G work leave-nonf good-G work do-P give up our bad deeds and do good deeds,
Again the Discourse-new information “giving up bad deeds” is presented as Hearer-old information, since this is a prototypical script event in the scenario “doing good deeds”.
As in Greek, scenario contents and hence grammatical links in Parkari are prototypical, for example:
“Mongoose” 6
ən u-ɛ ɦek noɭi-o zʰɑl-i-o
and that-erg one mongoose-G grasp-pf-G and he caught a mongoose
7 ən u noɭi-ɑ ɾ-o ɓəʃ-i-o l-en
and that mongoose-G of-G child-dim-G take-nonf and
he took the mongoose’s baby 8
ɑpɾ-e ɡʰəɾ-e ɑ-i-o.
own- loc house-loc come-pf-G and came home.
The Discourse-new information “taking” is presented grammatically as Hearer-old information, since it is a prototypical event in the scenario “coming”. This does not mean
that “taking” something always co-occurs with “coming” but simply that such a combination of events is common or uncontroversial. Here, however, “taking” is also part
of a larger prototypical script of “seize, take, come home”, since the purpose of catching an animal is prototypically to take it home, dead or alive. By grammatically linking
“taking” with “coming” the speaker shows that the two events are chunked together as a separate information chunk from “catching”. Indeed if someone catches an animal and
then returns home, taking the animal along is presupposed in Parkari culture.
In summary, then, the use of the same grammatical form, i.e. Nonfinal, for both information status categories 3b
GIVEN
textual-current and 2b
KNOWN
inferrable suggests that what the speaker is encoding by his grammatical choice is not the
distinction between Discourse-new and Discourse-old information, but rather the hearer’s ability to process information, whether it be Discourse-old or Discourse-new. The ability
to process information depends on the hearer’s previous knowledge and understanding. What the speaker regards as Hearer-new is presented by Main Verbs, showing some
combination of Tense, Aspect, Mood, Person, and Gender, and indicates to the hearer that this needs to be explicitly remembered in the “current discourse” scenario being
created. What the speaker regards as Hearer-old is presented grammatically in Nonfinal
284 Section 3. Scenarios and Parkari
form, and this indicates to the hearer that this information can be retrieved, without new memorization, by referring to the elements already stored in the related mental scenario.
At most, the hearer will need to mentally tick an existing scenario entry as relevant, but will not need to create a new entry.
10.3.2. Evidence that Nonfinal verbs are part of the Main Verb’s scenario
Just as Greek has a restricted occurrence of conjunctions between Participles, and between Participle and Main Verb see appendix
F , so Parkari has a restricted
occurrence of conjunctions between consecutive Nonfinal forms, and between Nonfinal forms and Main Verbs. This is added evidence that the semantic relationship between
these forms is determined by the prototypical relationship within the Main Verb’s scenario, rather than needing to be specified by explicit conjunctions.
In the Parkari texts cited we find the following conjunctions, all of which mark coordination of consecutive time.
Between Nonfinal forms No conjunction
“My farmwork” 12 po
ɳi sɑɗ-en bʰəɾ-ɑ-en … water
leave-nonf fill-pass-nonf … After letting in the water, after it has filled …
Then
“My farmwork” 15
ʋɑʈəɾ nɛ ɓõdʰ-en pəsɛ ʋəɭ-e ɑʋ-en
channel tie-nonf then again come-nonf
After closing the channel I come back
Again marking a consecutive event
“My farmwork” 3
ɡʰəɾ-e ɑʋ-en ʋəɭ-e ɖʰəɠ-ɑ ɦɑkəl-en zɑ-iɦ ɓõdʰ-ʋ-ɑ ʤ̑oɽ-o.
house-loc come-nonf again ox-G drive-nonf go-fut.P tie-inf-G ox-team-G
After coming home, I will drive the oxen and go to yoke the ox-team.
Between Nonfinal form and Main Verb No conjunction
“My farmwork” 1
ɦũ ħəʋɑɾ ɾ-o ʋel-o uʈʰ-en zɑ-iɦ …
I morning of-G early-G get.up-nonf go-fut.P … Having got up early in the morning I will go …
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 285
Then
“My farmwork” 2
ʧ̑əkəɾ ɗ-en pəsɛ ʋəɭ-e pɑs-o ɑʋ-õ-ɦ ɡʰəɾ-e.
tour give-nonf then again back-G come-P-pres house-loc After taking a walk round I come back home again.
“Breadpan” 3 to
ɑpʰ e u təm-õ nɛ ɦeʈʰ ɗeʋtɑ kəɾ-en then selves indeed they you-G to below fire do-nonf
Then they will make the fire below[the breadpan] for you
4 p əɦ u-ɑ moẽ ɑʈ-o dʰo-ʃ-e u-ɑ nɛ tɑʋɽ-ɑ nɛ.
then that-G in flour-G wash-fut-P that-G to breadpan-G to then
in it flour … they will wash the breadpan.
Between nonfinite form and Main Verb And
“Breadpan” 8
ɑʈ-o pəɾ-o ʋeʋəɾ-e flour-G result-G move-nonf
After swilling the flour around, 9
ən u-ɑ moẽ zəeõ ɦeʈʰ ħũ ɑɠ lɑɠ-ʃ-e,
and that-G in when below from fire seem-fut-P
inside it, when the fire touches it from below, 10
ʧ̑ɛŋ-i təɾõɦ təp-ʃ-e tɑʋɽ-o,
good-G way heat-fut-P breadpan-G the breadpan will heat up really well,
And then
“Breadpan” 5 t
ɑʋɽ-ɑ nɛ dʰo-en sɑpʰ pəɾ-o kəɾ-e breadpan-G to wash-nonf clean result-G do-nonf
After washing the breadpan and making it clean, 6
ən pəsɛ u-ɑ nɛ poɳi eɽ-ʃ-e pəɾ-o.
and then that-G to water spill-fut-P result-G they will then
pour away the water from it.
“My farmwork” 11 pu
ɾ-e pəɾ-e ən pəɦ u-ɑ m ʋəɭ-e sɑ-õ-ɦ poɳi.
fill.in-NF result-NF and then that-G in again leave-P-pres water After filling them in then I let the water into it.
286 Section 3. Scenarios and Parkari
There are no occurrences in the cited texts of any conjunctions within the Nonfinal and Main Verb cluster which do not match the semantic category of expected sequence,
i.e. there are no conjunctions marking contraexpectation, temporal disjunction, or logical relationships. This supports my hypothesis that these Hearer-old verb forms in Parkari
refer to prototypical sequential events belonging to the script of the Main Verb’s scenario.
Further evidence that Nonfinals belong in the same scenario as the Main Verb is the fact that they are not marked for tense and mood, but pragmatically have the same tense
and mood as the Main Verb, for example. Present Imperfective
“My farmwork” 7 p
əɦ ʋəɭ-e ɓən-i mãɦ ʋəɭ-e kʰəmõdʰ u-ɑ oɽ-õ pəɾ-e kɑɖʰ-e then again land-G on again sugarcane that-G trench-G result-G extract-NF
then again, back on the land, having made trenches 8 o
ɽ-õ moẽ ʋəɭ-e kʰəmõdʰ ʋeɾ-õ-ɦ.
trench-G in again sugarcane plant-P-pres I plant sugarcane in the trenches.
Past Imperfective
“Michael” 4 p
əɳ ɾel ɠɑ-i mẽ səɽ-en ɪskul zɑ-t-o.
but rail cart-G in climb-nonf school go-impf-G But he used to go to school having climbed on the train.
Past Perfective
“Mongoose” 28 ut
ʰ-ɛ ɑʋ-en ɑpɾ-əi pʰəɳ sɑɽ-əi.
there-loc come-nonf own-G hood raise-G it[snake] came there and raised its hood.
Future
“Breadpan” 15
ɓəɭ-en u kʰətəm tʰ-e zɑ-ʃ-e ɑʈ-o.
burn-nonf that finished become-nonf go-fut-P flour-G it will burn up, and the flour will be totally consumed.
Future Imperative
“Breadpan” 19 p
ʰəɠoɭ-e pəɾ-əi ɑn pəsɛ ɦek sə̃ɗk-o ɡʰəɽ-iɑ ɾoʈ-i ɾ-oo
throw-nonf result-G and then one scone-G make-fut.impv bread-G of-G throw it away, then make a scone out of bread.
10. Parkari Verb Phrases and Scenarios 287
Subjunctive
“Michael” 20
əmɑɾ-ɑ bʰũ-ɑ kom sɑ-en ʈʰɑuk-ɑ kom kəɾ-õ,
our-G bad-G work leave-nonf good-G work do-P give up our bad deeds and do good deeds,
10.4. Chapter summary
Parkari, like Greek, uses different grammatical forms for encoding Hearer-new and Hearer-old events. Whereas Main Verbs in Parkari are used to encode Discourse-new
events, Nonfinal forms are used to encode both Discourse-old events which function as the setting for the following Main Verb, and also Discourse-new events which are proto-
typical elements in the script of the following Main Verb. This parallels the function of Greek Prenuclear Aorist Participles in the Nominative, and further suggests that scenario
structure, specifically the sequencing of prototypical events in a script, directly affects grammatical choice.
288
11. Parkari Noun Phrases and Scenarios
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