Critical Discourse Analysis CDA
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done, Fairclough in Woodak 2001 presents the methodology of Bhaskar ‘s
explanatory critique. It can be formulated in five ‗procedural orders‘, called as
‗stages‘ then further elaborated as ‗steps‘. The first stage is a social wrong, in its semiotic aspects. In this stage, the
selection of research topic ‗Indonesia Corruption‘ considers being the
construction of research object. Depoliticization of the recent political situation is the major problem here.
Democracy seems failed and doesn‘t work to be public‘s medium in speaking loudly the aspiration. Related to social wrong, the discourse
signifies the semiotic features of what corruption meaning is. The social wrong is referred to the problems which powerless group of people is confronted with and debated,
otherwise, it is actually the object of semiotic itself p.125. This stage focuses on what is problematic and calls for change, and need
socio-cultural context to define who is being oppressed by whom. The researcher has several emancipatory objectives to support the oppressed ones
instead of KPK Corruption Eradication CommissionKPK since the future plan to reform KPK regulation is on processing. This matter has become sudden
controversy within anti-corruption campaigns until now because it can reduce KPK‘s authority. The researcher suggests that the social order needs the problem
to be overcome so it contributes to sustaining particular relations of power and domination in the matter of anti-corruption.
The second stage is obstacles to the social wrong being tackled. In this stage, the analysis both semiotic aspects and relevant texts can contribute to
comprehending relations between the level of social practices orders of discourses and the level of social events actions within social elements
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fields, institutions, organizations. Since the social life is structured and organized, the term of obstacles appears afterward can make the social wrong
problem being resistant to find an easy resolution. There are three obstacles to be identified so that this study can make a bridge to past them.
The first obstacle is the network of social and discursive practices constituting a social order. When corruption is being the way of life, for
instance, the existence of KPK becomes the scariest enemy to many corruptors especially those in the state agencies. When the data comes from news text of
Suryadharma Ali‘s and Sutan Bathoegana‘s cases, the corruption practices are framed into ideological perspectives. The practices relate
each other including not only the corruptors but also other agents. They constitute both governments the House of Representative members, the
ministries, etc and non-governments the politicians in parties, the private stakeholders, etc. Bold names below are the example of doer
agents that probably involving in a case: Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry
Sutan also allegedly instructed Rudi to rig the bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit of US
energy giant Chevron, in which
Edhie “Ibas” Baskoro, the
youngest son of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was also implicated 41, X, E
‗Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry‘ can be identified into nepotism while collusion is ‗instructed Rudi to rig the
bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit
of US energy giant Chevron‘. These other particular practices at issue here are categorized afterward into a powerful network of corruption.
These evidence then can show the great values of KPK competence in PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI
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eradicating corruption. By understanding the network of practice, the researcher can identify that, first, ‗corruption‘ is eventually framed into
medi a‘s domination to influence readers and, second, KPK needs support
to eradicate corruption. The second obstacle is the relationship of semiosis to other social
elements within the particular practices concerned. This part has an aim in bridging between the network of social practices and semiosis. The way how
‗corruption‘ is structuring the social life and how it produces the people identities operating the particular practice
can indicate that ‗corruption‘ term is restructured by TJP as media in representing political discourse. In this part of
analysis, the researcher should focus to highlight again the social wrong of depoliticization which crippling the power and the function of KPK. The
importance to revoke the draft bill of the criminal code and the criminal procedural code must be explained clearly in this part.
The third obstacle is the discoursesemiosis itself. Semiosis plays a crucial role in imposing, extending and legitimizing especially the term
‗corruption‘ p.130. The ways of using language in particular interaction between structure and action influence the researcher about
The Jakarta Post TJP
newspaper articles which has been read and analyzed. The researcher needs first, interdiscursive analysis instead of intertextuality to identify the
dominant genres, discourses, and styles inside the texts, second, linguistic and semiotic analysis which proven by Systemic Functional Grammar SFG that
a language is shaped by the social functions it has come to serve. The researcher needs to dig deeper in this part of the analysis in order to find out that
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the depoliticization really happens to degrade KPK‘s authority and the language
power of TJP help to influence the emergence of revoking the revision of criminal code and of criminal procedural code.
The third stage is the place of social wrong. By raising the question, the anticipation answer can show that social order should not be changed for specific
political purposes degrading KPK ‘s authority. Dealing with
TJP
‘s ideologies, the effect can conclude
TJP
‘s alignment whether supporting, neutral or unsupporting. It is a way of linking
‗is‘ to ‗ought‘. It means that the way what social life is should be changed. However, particular interest does not represent the public interest. If a social
order inherently produces major social wrongs problems that are a reason for the researcher thinking perhaps it should be changed. The questions of ideological
discourse in
TJP
news article arise in this stage of analysis in order to sustain power and domination. In this study, unequal relations of power in the texts are
ideologically controlled by
TJP
in order to generate strong public support for KPK against corruptors.
The fourth stage is possible ways past the obstacles. In this stage, the analysis moves from negative to positive critique. It means that the
identification o f not-really-realized possibilities for change show difference and resistance matters in the social order. The critique would seek explanations of
social practice ideology of how and why corruption discourse emerges as part of
TJP
strategy discursive practice and into news story texts analysis. It is what Fairclough and Fairclough 2012: 82 refer to social structures, the most
abstract form of social reality. These structures directly shape practices, and practices directly shape events. Social structures do not directly shape events,
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otherwise as mediated by social practices. Hence, KPK as the one which legitimized by the president and House of Representatives is considered to be an
annoyed figure for those commit to corruption offense. This practice can show how the relationship between the dominated and the dominating in the interaction
is a failure resistance in the social order. The ‗sounds‘ from law experts,
Indonesia Corruption Watch, and other neutral institution can be used for the alternative.
The last stage is a critical reflection. This stage provides an analysis to turn how effective it as critique reflexively does or contribute to social emancipation.
The tackling problems are met then attempts for eradicating corruption in Indonesia can be sustained and extended. The researcher can make a contribution
to other social researchers who are accessible to findings of this study so KPK must exist.