Critical Discourse Analysis CDA

22 done, Fairclough in Woodak 2001 presents the methodology of Bhaskar ‘s explanatory critique. It can be formulated in five ‗procedural orders‘, called as ‗stages‘ then further elaborated as ‗steps‘. The first stage is a social wrong, in its semiotic aspects. In this stage, the selection of research topic ‗Indonesia Corruption‘ considers being the construction of research object. Depoliticization of the recent political situation is the major problem here. Democracy seems failed and doesn‘t work to be public‘s medium in speaking loudly the aspiration. Related to social wrong, the discourse signifies the semiotic features of what corruption meaning is. The social wrong is referred to the problems which powerless group of people is confronted with and debated, otherwise, it is actually the object of semiotic itself p.125. This stage focuses on what is problematic and calls for change, and need socio-cultural context to define who is being oppressed by whom. The researcher has several emancipatory objectives to support the oppressed ones instead of KPK Corruption Eradication CommissionKPK since the future plan to reform KPK regulation is on processing. This matter has become sudden controversy within anti-corruption campaigns until now because it can reduce KPK‘s authority. The researcher suggests that the social order needs the problem to be overcome so it contributes to sustaining particular relations of power and domination in the matter of anti-corruption. The second stage is obstacles to the social wrong being tackled. In this stage, the analysis both semiotic aspects and relevant texts can contribute to comprehending relations between the level of social practices orders of discourses and the level of social events actions within social elements 23 fields, institutions, organizations. Since the social life is structured and organized, the term of obstacles appears afterward can make the social wrong problem being resistant to find an easy resolution. There are three obstacles to be identified so that this study can make a bridge to past them. The first obstacle is the network of social and discursive practices constituting a social order. When corruption is being the way of life, for instance, the existence of KPK becomes the scariest enemy to many corruptors especially those in the state agencies. When the data comes from news text of Suryadharma Ali‘s and Sutan Bathoegana‘s cases, the corruption practices are framed into ideological perspectives. The practices relate each other including not only the corruptors but also other agents. They constitute both governments the House of Representative members, the ministries, etc and non-governments the politicians in parties, the private stakeholders, etc. Bold names below are the example of doer agents that probably involving in a case: Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry Sutan also allegedly instructed Rudi to rig the bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit of US energy giant Chevron, in which Edhie “Ibas” Baskoro, the youngest son of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was also implicated 41, X, E ‗Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry‘ can be identified into nepotism while collusion is ‗instructed Rudi to rig the bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit of US energy giant Chevron‘. These other particular practices at issue here are categorized afterward into a powerful network of corruption. These evidence then can show the great values of KPK competence in PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI 24 eradicating corruption. By understanding the network of practice, the researcher can identify that, first, ‗corruption‘ is eventually framed into medi a‘s domination to influence readers and, second, KPK needs support to eradicate corruption. The second obstacle is the relationship of semiosis to other social elements within the particular practices concerned. This part has an aim in bridging between the network of social practices and semiosis. The way how ‗corruption‘ is structuring the social life and how it produces the people identities operating the particular practice can indicate that ‗corruption‘ term is restructured by TJP as media in representing political discourse. In this part of analysis, the researcher should focus to highlight again the social wrong of depoliticization which crippling the power and the function of KPK. The importance to revoke the draft bill of the criminal code and the criminal procedural code must be explained clearly in this part. The third obstacle is the discoursesemiosis itself. Semiosis plays a crucial role in imposing, extending and legitimizing especially the term ‗corruption‘ p.130. The ways of using language in particular interaction between structure and action influence the researcher about The Jakarta Post TJP newspaper articles which has been read and analyzed. The researcher needs first, interdiscursive analysis instead of intertextuality to identify the dominant genres, discourses, and styles inside the texts, second, linguistic and semiotic analysis which proven by Systemic Functional Grammar SFG that a language is shaped by the social functions it has come to serve. The researcher needs to dig deeper in this part of the analysis in order to find out that 25 the depoliticization really happens to degrade KPK‘s authority and the language power of TJP help to influence the emergence of revoking the revision of criminal code and of criminal procedural code. The third stage is the place of social wrong. By raising the question, the anticipation answer can show that social order should not be changed for specific political purposes degrading KPK ‘s authority. Dealing with TJP ‘s ideologies, the effect can conclude TJP ‘s alignment whether supporting, neutral or unsupporting. It is a way of linking ‗is‘ to ‗ought‘. It means that the way what social life is should be changed. However, particular interest does not represent the public interest. If a social order inherently produces major social wrongs problems that are a reason for the researcher thinking perhaps it should be changed. The questions of ideological discourse in TJP news article arise in this stage of analysis in order to sustain power and domination. In this study, unequal relations of power in the texts are ideologically controlled by TJP in order to generate strong public support for KPK against corruptors. The fourth stage is possible ways past the obstacles. In this stage, the analysis moves from negative to positive critique. It means that the identification o f not-really-realized possibilities for change show difference and resistance matters in the social order. The critique would seek explanations of social practice ideology of how and why corruption discourse emerges as part of TJP strategy discursive practice and into news story texts analysis. It is what Fairclough and Fairclough 2012: 82 refer to social structures, the most abstract form of social reality. These structures directly shape practices, and practices directly shape events. Social structures do not directly shape events, 26 otherwise as mediated by social practices. Hence, KPK as the one which legitimized by the president and House of Representatives is considered to be an annoyed figure for those commit to corruption offense. This practice can show how the relationship between the dominated and the dominating in the interaction is a failure resistance in the social order. The ‗sounds‘ from law experts, Indonesia Corruption Watch, and other neutral institution can be used for the alternative. The last stage is a critical reflection. This stage provides an analysis to turn how effective it as critique reflexively does or contribute to social emancipation. The tackling problems are met then attempts for eradicating corruption in Indonesia can be sustained and extended. The researcher can make a contribution to other social researchers who are accessible to findings of this study so KPK must exist.

2.1.2 Ideology

In linguistics and critical discourse studies, a theory of ideology needs to be multidisciplinary. Ideologies are often based on scientific reasoning, ‗a realistic interpretatio n‘ of the Subject‘s interpretations or explanations which are not available on reality. It means that ideologies are produced from human rationality. Ideology, moreover, is the theory of systematical ideas used by protagonists in the struggle. The received ideas have become as meaningful criticism if the analysis is be able to contribute to a social life Boudon, 1989. Hopefully, this research can contribute to how to analyze and find ideologies about corruption news in The Jakarta Post TJP also how the effects of PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI 27 ideologies can represent the critique of readers ‘ point of view to the news, i.e. in this study is the researcher. As meaning in the service of power, the ideologies are examined by providing linguistic evidence. They emerge practically in a certain discourse and figure as implicit assumptions in texts Fairclough, 1995: 14. Their effects to produce or reproduce relations of power and of domination are mediated by language. The whole sets of linguistic resources and practices should be verbally expressed, formulated and reproduced in interaction and communication processes among or between a group of inside and outside members who are able to share the same ideological concept. In this study, the deeper language analysis can help to find detailed understanding of ideologies produced and distributed by TJP . Truth or falsehood is various but important to exist as the ideology. The fundamental concept of ideologies as being ‗false‘, ‗misguided‘, ‗wrong‘ or ‗illusionary‘ should be left. Ideologies are not ‗false‘ or ‗true‘ in any interesting sense, and even less when falsity is typically attributed to the ideas of ideological ‗Others‘. The evaluation of ‗false‘ regarding ideologies refers to what psychologists can name an ‗attribution error‘. Ideologies are to be ‗true‘ by those who share them. It is what van Dijk 2004 dubbed as Knowledge. Meanwhile, ideologies are closely related to language. Using language with various structures is the common form of social behavior which relies on common sense assumptions Fairclough, 1989: 2 and Alip, 2000: 10. By using language, the knowledge of ‗false‘ and ‗true‘ are able to find the searching of meaning and has a purpose in communicating ideas, emotions, and desires 28 between the producer and the receiver of language. The findings in this study posit the researcher as the one doing a Subjective point of view and argue them to be the social formations that will make it real and true.

2.1.3 Language and Symbolic Power

Indonesia citizens ‘ eyes are now open wide to delegate their interest and power in trusting the politicians to represent them in the political arena game since Soeharto ‘s regime of New Orde had been fallen down. In analyzing political representation, the term of habitus and disposition are used as a reflection of Bourdieu ‘s approach in the sense of a structured social condition 1991: 203-219. The existence of individuals social condition especially newspaper writer is reflected in the habitus which is a set of dispositions causes agents, newspaper media to act and react the reality of corruption practice in certain ways. Dispositions generate political practices, perceptions, and attitudes which are regular without being consciously coordinated or governed by any ‗rule‘. The virtue of invested power in political disposition, for instance, consider as the features of habitus. They are incalculated, structured, durable, generative and transposable by political professionals party, leader, and other appearance. They take control and monopolize the production of perception and expression of a given population especially news reader. When individuals act, they always do practices and perceptionsassumptions, works and appreciations in specific social contexts or settings or fields. As a structured space of positions, the distribution of four kinds of resources of capital is the struggles site in which individuals seek to maintain their status quo – aims and chances to success in certain structured space of position in an arena 29 or play the game. The first is economic capital. It deals with money and other valuable materials. The second is social capital which deals with the career positions and society networking. The third is a cultural capital. It relates to the ownership of knowledge even educational intelligence. The fourth is symbolic capital how the accumulation of capitals determines someone to win the political competition or game. In the relation with capitals, symbolic power remains as the practice defining reality. In the production of news, the ability to define reality is a fundamental form of power. Bourdieu states that this kind of power is invisible and can be exercised only with the complicity of those who do not want to know that they are subject to it or even that they themselves exercise it 1991: 164. The effect of symbolic power is to influence the actions of others and indeed to create events, by means of the production and transmission of symbolic forms which especially include ideology. The Jakarta Post TJP as the news media is a central player of knowledge-production and meaning-exchange of what happen about corruption in Indonesia. TJP ‘s work is actually the exercise of symbolic power itself. Using symbolism make people see and believe about social reality p. 170. This paper at least shows that TJP owns the power to name, to define, to endorse and to persuade through news matters. What are cited, written, distributed and produced in the news are its responsibility of marketization so that Indonesia ‘s socio-political realities can influence more investors to invest in Indonesia. A proclamation occurs that objective consensus validates the subjective necessity and self-evidence on the sense of the world. What is essential goes 30 without saying because it comes without saying means that silent subject remains implicit and unformulated unstructured principle. It is simply identified as intertextuality that a reflection of perfectly closed world correlates with the arbitrariness of misrecognition. Intertextuality arises competition for legitimacy and conflict between true or false of certain groups Bourdieu, 1995: 168. This paper intentionally focuses on criticizing how TJP as legitimized subject has its own disposition to narrate the information, characters, and stories involved in news articles so that the exercise of symbolic power is simply expressed within relationships in the arena news matters. In this corruption discourse analysis of Suryadharma Ali SDA and Sutan Bhatoegana SB, TJP outspokenly supports KPK in various ways. Even though TJP itself is not a relevant participant to solve the case, at least TJP has a legitimation to be a central player to influence public ideas and opinions. As the media that represent the reality of Indonesia ‘s economy and socio- politics, they have capability and authority to produce logical, acceptable and valid information to legitimate that their news is not influenced by any professionals whose specific aims to control the reader ‘s assumptions. It is needed that a narration narrative discourse analysis to be inserted as the intertextuality to embed and to strengthen the ideology which is believed as the production of meaning and conception a society. Power is exercised in conversation and other forms of talk between people. The interrelationships between the unequal distribution of power and language used are the main concern to increase consciousness that some people dominate others. In the way to comprehend and to control the experience of meaning, PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI