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analysis, the negative moves to positive critique from impossible to possible realization for change within the way things are. The last stage is a critical
reflection. This part of analysis turns to be a reflection whether the critique is effective and can contribute to social emancipation.
4.1 Social Wrongs
This section helps the researcher to answer research question number one and presents social wrongs in
The Jakarta Post TJP
news texts about Suryadharma Ali‘s and Sutan Bhatoegana‘s corruption case.
In this part, the researcher focuses on what is problematic, calls for change and needs socio-
cultural context to define who is being oppressed by whom. Since corruption has been a complicated issue for the researcher, it can lead to many obviousness
and perspective to theorize them. To anticipate this too general topic, the researcher then focuses only on dialectical relations between semiotic and
material moments in newspaper media,
The Jakarta Post TJP
. Using other texts beyond the texts of a news article about Suryadharma Ali SDA and Sutan
Bathoegana SB corruption cases is important and necessary to get a sense of social and historical context for constructing the unquestioned dominance of
an ‗anti-corruption‘ mediated political discourse. One possible construction of this research is associated with ideas of corruption.
The researcher focuses on two social wrongs which have a semiotic
aspect: depoliticization of democracy and politicization of media. In
searching of depoliticization of politic, two indications are elaborated: first, the presence of
Corruption Eradication Commission
Komisi Pemberantasan KorupsiKPK brings polemics especially to various state institutions and second,
57
the making of the draft revision of the Law Commission no. 302002 which sets up by the Representatives wi
ll rule KPK‘s procedural code and revoke KPK‘s special authority. Otherwise, two indications help the researcher in searching the
media politicization: first, the situation of political corruption in Indonesia is very dynamic to be exposed and generated by media and second, the domination of
media appears in its language use and can influence the society to believe or disbelieve
Suryadharma Ali
SDA and
Sutan Bhatoegana
SB corruption cases. In conclusion, these can help the researcher
to focus only on ‗ideas‘ of corruption in news texts indicated as problems.
Corruption is very sentimental topic especially in Indonesia as a democratic country. Essentially, corruption is a concept born before pre-
Enlightenment era and, once again, is an emotional concept which religions relate it to
‗bad vs. good morality‘ or ‗false vs. true‘ Underkuffler, 2015. However, corruption has emerged in the 4
th
century BC and in Indonesia, itself occurred in the Dutch colonial era when the Dutch East Indies Companies
VOC dominated the trade with the Indonesian kingdoms Saputri and Suratnoaji, 2015. In 2002, Corruption Eradication Commission KPK was then
born responsible with the corruption problem. The commission is established by the sixth President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who is also the founder of
Democrat Party. However, the commissioners are elected by the House of Representatives and legitimized by the President.
This study then focuses on first macro-strategy which able to endanger Indonesia
‘s welfare and prosperity: depoliticization of democracy.
Democracy can be seen as depoliticization when those with power PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI
58
dominate and manipulate democratic institution like KPK to use the rules and regulations. Indonesia as one of many post -transition states needs
efforts for building more substantive and extensive democratic institution. Moreover, an attention to political context produces inequality power that
particular interest decides general interest. The relations of power between common people and government are unimportant in the arena of
democracy Stokke and Tornquist: 2012. The researcher refers this term to a conspiracy between great politicians who hold bigger power in this state
bureaucracy, ruling the law especially No. 302002 on the Corruption Eradication Commission KPK, controlling and supervising the systematical
working of KPK itself in order to degrade the commission ‘s power.
The important matter is the internal struggle within stable democracy in a way to express Indonesians
‘ dreams of ‗free from corruption, collusion, and nepotism
‘. Moreover, the political democratization must involve society within the process of political decision and consideration. Since the commission is
constructed to eradicate corruption, the effort to destroy this ad-hoc institution has also emerged, at least for now. The worst is, as said explicitly by Megawati,
the fifth President who leads the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle PDIP
‒ in her speech on August 18th, 2015, KPK would be disbanded if this institution did not work properly. The effect of her metaphorical argument
determines that KPK is inefficient if the number of corruption is insignificant. Instead, KPK should not be politicized and be associated with particular regime
leadership. The government and the newly e lected representatives‘ house
members must revoke the draft bill of the criminal code and the criminal PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI
59
procedural code which has been sent to the old representatives to be revised and to be adjusted to the need and the hope of the people in order to against the
corruption Renggong, 2015. The Representatives claim that degrading KPK authority committing corruption is an obligation. This order considers being an
attention that the commission law revision is a part of public interest, on the other hand, the involvement of public is unimportant. The researcher explains the
disagreement of commission law revision clearly. The KPK is a competent and independent legal institution. The democracy
system in Indonesia anticipates that this ad-hoc institution should not be a super body and efforts to revise the procedural code. The Representatives claim that KPK is
not eligible. Clauses below show the KPK failures forcing the targeted person to fulfill the investigation process but frequently they are failed, for example:
1. The antigraft body usually issues a forced summons for graft suspects
who reject KPK letters for the third time or for those who try to eliminate evidence and influence witnesses. 33, IX, A
2. The KPK has failed to summons dozens of police generals and
mid- ranking police officers, including Budi himself, to testify in the investigation into the police chief nominee. 47, XIII, A
3. The KPK is facing a total paralysis since its four commissioners
were charged with criminal offenses after it named Comr. Gen. Budi Gunawan a bribery suspect on Jan. 13 at the eleventh hour of his expected
inauguration as the National Police chief. 26, VI, B
The first sentence indicates one of the special duties of KPK that this commission can issue investigation termination warrants SP3. On contrary, the
sentence 2 shows how the Police officers as the accused defy KPK summons. Instead of being the investigators, the National Police then oppose to KPK in
this Budi ‘s case. The failure of KPK is being worst by the accusation of its four
commissioners. Abraham Samad, Bambang Widjojanto, Adnan Pandu Praja, and Zulkarnain emerge in the middle of law enforcement process. These political
