Tense-Aspect-Mood at peak Continuity in discourse

947 a Keke’enku’a ra-wlari-wia child 3p-ran-PERF ‘The children ran.’ b R-rora r-la’awa 3p-two 3p-go ‘The two of them went.’ movement of actor to new episode and location 9.1.4 Action continuity Active verbs carry the event-line forward in narrative texts as well as do sequential connectors. In procedural text the use of the connectors which mean, ‘after that then’, keeps the continuity as one action immediately follows after another. 948 R-la’a demade ra-mtatna 3p-go then 3p-sit ‘They went and then they sat.’ 949 Ir-wotelu ta’eni tahan-nana wau-wau dewade ir-hopliala krita they-three cannot endure-ABIL RDP-current then 3p-throw away octopus ‘The three of them could not swim against the current and then threw away the octopi they had gathered.’ 950 N-pona wehla pa na-p-lok-lokar na’nama la nhi’ ud liola woru 3s-sharpen knife till 3s-STAT-RDP-sharp just then went make banana trunk two ‘He sharpened the knife till it was sharp and then went and made two pieces of banana trunk.’ 951 Na-mtatna nampa r-huri arak pa r-emnu 3s-sit then 3p-pour whiskey for 3p-drink ‘They sat and then they poured whiskey for them to drink.’ 9.2 Peak 9.2.1 Logical relations at peak The peak of narrative discourse in Luang is characterized more by interpersonal tension rather than intense action. Concession-contraexpectation and contrast type clauses or paragraphs tend to occur at peak heightening the tension.

9.2.2 Tense-Aspect-Mood at peak

In peak points of a text, as the tenseness increases, the number of modality and aspectual markers also increases which in turn increases vividness. In discourse, aspectual and modality markers seldom occur in setting or background information. However they are used much more often in the story line especially at peak to make the action more vivid. Along with the increase in aspectualmodality markers there is an increase in elision, metathesis and other morphophonemic processes across word boundaries. An extra line second has been added in the examples below so that these morphophonemic processes might be more evident to the reader. See §2 for an explanation of morphophonemic processes in Luang. Progressive aspect may be indicated at peak either by aspectual markers following the verb root, cliticized pronouns occurring on the beginning of the verb root, connectors or the use of the demonstrative de ‘that’ being used at a variety of levels indicating that everything is happening right now. Following are twelve sentence examples that are taken from one peak point from a text. Sentences 952–955 are just the build up to the peak. Sentences 956–963 are the peak. From the second line on there are few morphophonemic processes going on, only those that always occur between roots and their affixes. From 956 onward one can see a large amount of reduction of final vowels. In sentences 952–955 there are no markers occurring. From 956–963 one can see either doini the completitive marker or eti the definitive marker used frequently. From examples 952–955 one can observe a number of different beginning connectors or conjunctions alternating with each other for good discourse style. In 956–963 the connector demade ‘then’ takes over and is used exclusively throughout. It indicates action taking place in rapid succession. The de ‘that’ which follows demade ‘then’ also indicates intensity, and progressive action. Examples 959 and 963 are not interlinearized due to the fact they are so long because of being direct quotes. However, they serve as an example of direct speech at peak. Peak of Story 952 Noka am-ni n-pona wehla noka ama-ni n-pona wehla then father-POS 3s-sharpen machete ‘Then their father sharpened his machete.’ 953 Na’nama l-la n-hi’a udi lola woru na’nama n-la n-hi’a udi lola woru then 3s-went 3s-did banana trunk two ‘Then he went and cut a banana trunk in two.’ 954 Ma n-keni-a gera la lari woru and 3s-put-OBJ water in cup two ‘And put water in two cups’ 955 pa n-keni-a la dudu gen-ni wawan-nu pa n-keni-a la dudu geni-ni wawna-nu to 3s-put-OBj on bed place-GEN top-GEN ‘to put them on top of the bed.’ 956 Dewade na-mat-doini-a a’na woru dewade na-mata-doini-a a’na woru then 3s-woke up-COMP-OBJ child two ‘Then he woke up the two children.’ 957 Na-’ala wehla pa r-rah-yeti-a udi lol id wa na-’ala wehla pa r-rahi-eti-a udi lola ida wa. 3s-took machete to 3p-cut-DEF-Obj banana trunk one PERF ‘He took the machete to really cut one banana trunk’ 958 Demade de n-hur-doin-la ger lari id la demade de n-huri-doini-la gera lari ida la then that 3s-pour-COMP-out water bamboo one there ‘Then he completely poured all the water from one coconut.’ 959 Demade hawni niwra: “Hniakarmi hade mmiati-mmiati keke’en maka edon ka’unna-kamta’ata inni nor amni.” ‘Then his wife said: “That is what you get, you die, you die, children who do not obey your mother and father.”’ 960 Demade de n-a-’owan la wehla demade de n-ala-owa’ana la wehla then that 3s-take-again DO knife ‘Right then he picked up the knife again’ 961 Pa n-dawr-eti owan udi lola idwa pa n-dawra-eti owa’ana udi lola ida wa to 3s-cut-DEF again banana trunk one PERF ‘to really cut again the banana trunk’ 962 Demade de hnurdoini gera lari id-lawa demade de n-huri-doini gera lari ida-la-wa then that 3s-pour-COMP water bamboo one-there-PERF ‘Right then he completely poured out all the water from one coconut’ 963 Demade de hawni niwra: “Hniakarmi hade mmiati-mmiati” ‘Then his wife said: “That is what you get, you die you die”’

9.2.3 Increased frequency of adverbs and adjectives