Other environments Reduplication eBook 63 Taber Luang Grammar Phonology

2.4.5 Summary of word final environment rules

From the above examples we are able to conclude that in the environment of joining words into one rhythm segment there are three main rules which govern the various morphophonemic processes. These rules are ordered as follows: 1. Spreading of high vowels. 2. Reduction of word final vowels. 3. After reduction various kinds of assimilation, insertion, portmanteau, vowel harmony and metathesis occur as a result of their specific environment. These processes occur in order not to violate acceptable syllable patterns and consonant clusters. In general, the above morphophonemic processes succeed in keeping stress on the penultimate syllable of the root. There are two exceptions with the first being the glottal-influenced vowel harmony see §2.4.3 above. Also, in each of these processes, if the word being added into the rhythm segment is bisyllabic then the primary stress occurs on the penultimate syllable of the new phonological word. [na ʔanә] + [doyni] → naʔandoyni ‘heshe eats it all gone’ [ r̩tamni] + [tarɣә] → rtamintarga ‘they bury it’ [mati] + [m ԑmə̆nә] → matmyemna ‘really died’

2.5 Other environments

Beyond the two main environments of pronominal prefixation word initial in verbs which take set 2 prefixes, and the joining of two morphemes or words into one rhythm segment word final, morphophonemic processes also occur word medially with a nominalizing infix ny, and word initial with the stative marker m and verb roots beginning with l or r. Nouns may be derived in Luang by the addition of a nominalizing affix. This affix is realized as the infix ny in verb roots which take set 2 pronominal prefixes see §2.3.1, and which begin with a consonant other than l. When the verb root begins with a vowel this affix is realized as y. For verb roots which take set 2 pronominal prefixes and which begin with l, as well as with all verb roots which take set 1 pronominal prefixes, the affix is realized as the prefix ya. 37 hari ‘to open’ ny + hari → hnyari ‘door’ wahaka ‘to search’ ny + wahaka → wnyahaka ‘the search’ emnu ‘to drink’ y + emnu → yemnu ‘drink’ lola ‘to go by’ ya + lola → yalola ‘path’ waka ‘to ask’ ya + waka → yawaka ‘request’ rule: |+ny+| → ny … |+ny+| → y … |+ny+| → ya … When the stative marker m occurs before roots beginning with l or r then m becomes p. The reason for this morphophonemic process is that [ml] and [mr] are not valid consonant clusters within a syllable see §2.2.2.2 above. Therefore the bilabial m assimilates to become p which is able to cluster with l and r. 37 It is interesting to note that with verbs which take set 2 prefixes except those beginning with l because [l+ny] would not be a valid cluster the nominalizer is bound more tightly to the root than with those verbs which take set 1 prefixes. This parallels what is happening in pronominal prefixation between the two verb classes. lara ‘starvation’ m + lara → plara ‘hungry’ lola ‘to go by’ m + lola → plola ‘true’ rana ‘pick up’ m + rana → prana ‘light weight’ rule: m → p

2.6 Reduplication

Reduplication in Luang has several functions. It inflects verb roots for iterativity as well as intensifying stative verbs, or intensifying adverbs. It also can derive nouns, verb, adverbs, and adjectives from other roots. In the case of whole word reduplication it indicates plurality. CVC is the main type of reduplication that occurs having several modifications. The first type of CVC reduplication intensifies stative verbs, inflects verb roots for iterative aspect or intensifies adverbs. The first syllable CVC of the root is reduplicated on the front of the root. 38 The stress remains on the penultimate syllable of the reduplicated form. naplokra ‘it is sharp’ naploklokra ‘it is very sharp’ naplola ‘it is true’ naplollola ‘it is very true’ If the final consonant of the first CVC of the root is a glottal h or ʔ than the glottal does not reduplicate with the rest of the CVC on the front of the root: naplahua ‘it is long’ naplalahua ‘it is very long’ namkoha ‘it is crushed’ namkokoha ‘it is very crushed’ naple ʔera ‘it is right’ naplele ʔera ‘he is very right’ The second kind of CVC reduplication makes derivational changes. This follows the same pattern as the above example. noka ‘to make sound’ verb noknoka ‘k.o. shell which makes sound’ 39 pona ‘to be blind’ verb ponpona ‘grey’ adj. mokla ‘smokehaze’ mokmokla ‘dizzy’ adj. If a glottal ? or h is the final consonant of the first CVC of the root, reduplication will only occur up to the glottal. This type of reduplication generally adds intensity to adverbs and adjectives or adds iterative aspect to verbs. 40 to ʔa ‘only’ toto ʔa ‘really true’ la ʔa ‘to walk’ lala ʔa ‘to walk around’ re ʔa ‘to help’ rere ʔa ‘keep helping’ tehra ‘hard’ tetehra ‘very hard’ 41 wahra ‘clear’ verb wawahra ‘white’ adj. 38 To indicate intensity or emphasis, words can occasionally root reduplicate twice in succession. naplahua ‘it is long’ naplalalahua ‘it is very very long’ 39 Luang people used to blow into a large conch shell called a noknoka as a way to call people’s attention. 40 If the final consonant of the CVC of the root is a glottal stop which is followed by an l, that l quality comes through in the reduplication on front of the root even though l is not actually a part of that CVC. wo Ɂla ‘move’ wolwo Ɂla ‘always moving’ 41 If the h of the first CVC of the root is followed by an r sometimes a trace of the r may be heard in the reduplication: tertehra ~ tetehra ‘really hard’ When the first CVC of the root begins with h then the reduplicated form does not occur on the front of the root, but on the end of it with the h not reduplicating: hawu ‘shout’ hawuawu ‘kept shouting’ hala ‘do wrong’ verb halala ‘wrong’ noun Another variation is where the final consonant of the first CVC of the root is followed by a word final high vowel. In this case after the reduplication takes place on the front of the root, that final high vowel accompanies the reduplication, then spreads and then deletes. mati ‘die’ verb matmyati ‘tragedy’ noun mori ‘give life’ verb mormyori ‘life’ manu ‘male’ manmwanu ‘masculine’ If the root is VCV the consonant blocks further copying and only the VC is reduplicated on the front of the root. ulu ‘before’ ululu ‘a long time ago’ CCVC reduplication occurs occasionally. Again, if the final C is a glottal then the glottal does not reduplicate. plinu ‘not know’ plinplinnianamde ‘unexpectedly’ pleta ‘quickly’ pletpleta ‘very quickly’ pre ʔeta ‘sleepy’ prepre ʔeta ‘very sleepy’ CVV reduplication occurs occasionally where the final V is a high vowel. 42 In this case, after reduplicating on the front of the root the final vowel spreads into the root. mou ‘clean’ stative verb moumwou ‘fine’ adj. mai ‘come’ verb maimyai ‘arrival’ noun Whole word reduplication also occurs. It can indicate plurality or individuality within plurals: leta ‘village’ letaleta ‘villages’ o ʔta ‘head’ o ʔtaoʔta ‘leaders’ he ʔa ‘who’ he ʔaheʔa ‘whoever’ lera ‘day’ leralera ‘daily’ meha ‘alone’ mehameha ‘each individually’ wali ‘side’ waliwali ‘on each side’ If the final consonant of the first CVC of the root is an r, and the first consonant is an l, when reduplication occurs putting r and l in direct succession the sequence rl is reduced to l. lera ‘day’ lelera ‘daytimedaylight’ 42 This could also be analyzed as CVC reduplication. The final C of the reduplication template grabs the high vowel and makes it a glide consonant. 3 Morphology and word classes parts of speech 43 In this section the structural elements of a word are described. In Luang two types of roots are distinguished: lexical roots and functors. Content words such as nouns, verbs, and post-verbal auxiliaries have lexical roots as their base. These words carry the primary semantic load of a clause or sentence. However, functors see Zorc 1978 clarify the main lexical roots or relate them to each other. Pronominal proclitics, tense-aspect-mood markers, and prepositions are considered functors. Grimes describes a similar use of lexical roots and functors for Buru 1991:105.

3.1 Nouns