Active intransitive Non-active intransitive Compound clauses

550 Muanke’a de sukni la patke’a de male that like of female that ‘That guy likes that girl.’ 551 M-olin-doini hadena 2s-let go-COMP that one there ‘Let go off that.’ 552 Musti hade sukni a’u must that like me ‘It must be he likes me.’

6.1.2 Active intransitive

The following chart illustrates the structure of the active intransitive clause. The subject NP, as a result of being presupposed or known information, may be reduced simply to the required pronominal prefix on the verb. The oblique slot can be reduced to locative la or even to nothing at all. Table 32. Active intransitive clause CLAUSE Core Oblique Periphery ActorUndergoer Nucleus Subject Np Predicate VP PP NPPP 1. A puou mamni awnu ida ema rdopaldoinia la our boat wood one as if fell COMP off ‘A piece of wood from our boat fell off.’ 2. Polisi rlol meni-meni la’a Rwawna liewnu Police went anywhere in Rwawna area ‘The police went everywhere in Rwawna area.’ 3. ∅ Amawal lia liwu ralamni 2p return to harbor insides ‘We returned inside the protected harbor.’ 4. ∅ Amhopalnan to’a mela ida, lera ida 2p sail ABIL just night one, day one ‘We were able to just keep on sailing for one night and one day.’ 5. Kapli nmai lia noha Rwawna boat came to island Rwawna ‘The boat came to Rwawna island.’ 6. ∅ Amuat lia iskola reirieini 1s die for school’s cause ‘I suffer extremely in order to get an education.’ 7. ∅ Amai wia ∅ 2p come already ‘We already came’

6.1.3 Non-active intransitive

In non-active intransitive predicates there is a single pre-verbal core argument. This is semantically undergoer, rather than actor Grimes 1991:345. The non-active verbs tend to deal with physical properties or states Grimes 1991:345. Table 33. Non-active intransitive clause CLAUSE Core Periphery Undergoer Nucleus Subject NP Predicate VP NPPP 1. Garni nherieri wa ‘younger sibling’ ‘3s quiet PERF’ ‘The younger sibling was quiet.’ 2. Patke’ de enapupanu ‘woman that’ ‘3s pregnant’ ‘The woman is pregnant.’ 3. ∅ namno’a-namrara ‘3s wounded-bloody’ ‘He was disfigured.’ 4. ∅ a’uwoki ‘1s cold’ ‘I am cold.’

6.1.4 Compound clauses

Compound clauses occur in Luang in ritual speech. They are considered compound clauses rather than compound verbs because although they have the same subject as actor each verb has a different undergoer. The whole compound clause describes actions that are closely linked together. In the following examples the compound clauses are linked by hyphens to indicate that they are considered a unit. However the English free translation does not reflect this as English does not work this way. 553 Yoma n-dudni-i’ina-n-woknihi-tgo’a because 3s-gather?-fish-3s-gather-saguer ‘Because they gathered fish and palm wine.’ 554 Er la r-kor-lai-r-tati-dari are go 3p-scratch sand-3p-throw-net ‘They were fishing.’ 555 R-tikil-rer-lia-yeh-tan-mera-r-hapar-rer-lia-hlor-wew-nihi 3s-step-DUR-on footstep-dirt-red-3s-set-DUR-on-path?-leaf-teeth 3s-step on the red dirt footprint-3s-step on the path between plants ‘They follow in their footstepsexample.’

6.1.5 Reflexive clause