229 A-la’ku namehrawa
a-laka-’u na-mehra-wa
My-foot-POS 3s-sick-PERF
‘My foot already hurt.’ 230 Wonira
amla’awa loru-wa
wonira a-m-la’awa
lora-wa
yesterday 1pe-1pe-go sea-PERF
‘Yesterday morning we had already gone to sea.’ Discourse examples in peak: The following sentences occur in direct succession in peak in a given
text. 231 a. Dewade de
Teti Lai na-wali
pa n-mai-wa
Then then Teti lai 3s-return to
3s-come-PERF
‘Then Teti Lai returned,’ b. Yoma
ar di
de Miru Lewna
r-rehi ar-wa
yoma ara
di de
Miru Lewna r-rehi
ara-wa
because battle this that Miru Lewna 3p-win battle-PERF
‘because this very battle Miru Lewna won.’ c. Dewade Teti Lai
n-mai-wa.
then Teti Lai
3s-come-PERF
‘Then Teti Lai came.’
d. N-mai-wa noka
Miru Lewan n-iwra
na-wenan-wa n-mai-wa
noka Miru Lewna
n-iwra na-wenna-wa
3s-come-PERF then
Miru Lewan 3s-want
3s-fight-PERF ‘He came, then Miru Lewna wanted to fight.’
The clitic -wa also is used in commands. A completed aspect is used to tell someone to do
something immediately.
232 mu-’una-wa 2s-eat-PERF
‘Eat right now.’ 3.6.2.1.3
Durative ‘nande’
Nande indicates multiple action of indefinite duration. Nande is often said in a very long drawn out way as if indicating a long length of time.
233 r-wa-kin-nande 3p-rec-kiss-DUR
‘They kept kissing.’
234 r-wa-hak-nande 3p-rec-search-DUR
‘They kept looking.’ Note the sentence examples below:
235 Wonira awei nande.
wonira awei nande
yesterday 1s-wait DUR
‘Yesterday I waited and waited.’
236 Kete na’nama nor
mam-ni n-wa-trom
pa r-wa-kini-nande
Kete na’nama n-ora
mama-ni n-wa-troma
pa r-wa-kini-nande
Kete just
3s-with mother-POS 3s-MULT-meet for
3p-MULT-kiss-DUR
‘When Kete first saw her mother again they kissed and kissed.’ 237 Rma-r-ala
de n-kakru-nande
3p-come-3p-bring that
3s-cry-DUR
‘When they came and got her she cried and cried.’ 3.6.2.1.4
Durative ‘taru’ Taru indicates durativity and definitive finality of the verb. It implies something set into motion not
easily stopped by someone else. It seems to collocate frequently with verbs having to do with promises, agreements, taboos which have to do with God, the spirit world, and ritual traditions.
238 r-tamni-taru-a 3p-bury-DUR-it
‘They buried it there.’ and it stayed buried
239 n-kons-taru 3s-key-DUR
‘He locked it.’ and it stayed locked 240 Na
muanke’a n-wa-rin-tiaru
la patke’a
roma-lew na
muanke’a n-wa-rini-taru
la patke’a
roma lew and
male 3s-MULT-leave-DUR at female
house-bed ‘And the man was left behind at the woman’s home.’ marriage ceremony
241 Rwei-wei-rnarnara lera
maka har
nelu-taru
r-wei-wei-r-nara-nara lera
maka hare
nelu-taru
3p-RDP-wait-3p-RDP-wait day
which they
promise-DUR
‘They waited and waited for the day that they had set.’ for the wedding 242 Maka Uplerlawna
na-kot-taru
Maka Uplerlawna na-kota-taru
What God 3s-said-DUR
‘That which God has promised.’ 3.6.2.1.5
Progressive ‘reri’
Reri indicates progressive aspect. It indicates an action which is in progress. It often collocates with verbs of carrying.
243 naninreri ‘heshe is sleeping’
namtatanreri ‘heshe is sitting’
npaikpiaikreri ‘heshe is reading’
napalreri ‘heshe is facing’
ntera-ndemreri ‘heshe is pouring’
nakwarrerlia ‘heshe carries on shoulder’
nranreria ‘heshe is lifting up’
ntoranreria ‘heshe is holding on to’
Note the sentence examples below: 244 Ha-p-pe’a
ida na-ten-tienin-reri
la nu’nu
nai-ni ha-p-pe’a
ida na-tenni-tenni-reri
la nu’nu
nai-ni 3s-STAT-old
one 3s-RDP-weave PRO
at banyan below-POS ‘As he went he came upon an old women weaving below a banyan tree.’
245 M-lin-mu-at-reri-a ami
lia nohkerna
m-lina-mu-atu-reri-a ami
la nohkerna
2s-listen-2s-see-PRO-OBJ us on
earth ‘You are watching over us on earth.’
246 A-ma-’uli-ma-wed-reri-a o-kot-mu-o-nan-mu
a-ma-’uli-ma-wedi-reri-a o-kotu-mu-o-nana-mu
1pe-1pe-praise-1pe-worship-PRO-OBJ your-title-POS-your-name-POS
‘We always praise and worship your name.’
247 A’-u-mkek-reri-a la
ralam-ni de
u-mkek-nana hni-uri-w-ni-a’ana
a’-u-mkeka-reri-a la
ralma-ni de
u-mkeka-nana ni-huri-ni-wa’ana
1s-1s-see-PRO-OBJ at inside-GEN then
1s-see-ABIL NOM-water-NOM-feed
‘When I was looking inside I was able to see a flock.’ 3.6.2.1.6
Progressive e-
The proclitic e- indicates progressive aspect. It is the encliticized form of the verb eda sing. form or era pl. form ‘to be’. Occasionally it appears in its full form. Generally it is a proclitic on the verb it
modifies. It is often used in combination with other progressive or durative aspectual markers.
248 Pa er
rtamintargala pa
er r-tamni-taru-a-la
for PRO
3p-bury-DUR-OBJ-LOC
‘They are burying it there.’ 249 Er la
rkor lai rtati dari
er la r-kor lai
r-tati dari
PRO AUX 3p-scratch sand 3p-throw-net
‘They are fishing.’
250 Eda hnor
larni la
wo’kawur
eda n-hora
lara-ni la
wo’ora kawru
PRO 3s-sew
sail-POS PREP mountain mountain
‘He is sewing his sail in the mountains hills.’
251 Lgona n-kern ulu
pa e-ra-kota
Lgona 3s-dry
first so PRO-3p-say
‘Luang was the first to dry so they were talking about it.’
252 Riy e-ra-tiaka
puohra people
PRO-3p-guarding gate ‘People were guarding the gate.’
253 R-rora r-mehlim
pa e-ra-wok
mak k-mehlima
r-rora r-mehlima pa
e-ra-woka maka k-mehlima
3p-two 3p-marry so PRO-3p-gather
who REL-marry
‘The two of them were to marry so they were gathering together the ones marrying.’ 254 Mel
di e-ra-woka-ra-le’eg-a
ra Mela
di e-ra-woka-ra-le’u-a
ra
night this PRO-3p-gather-3p-circle-OBJ those ‘This night they are gathering them together.
255 Na’nama e-r-tor
papai ida
Then PRO-3p-bore baby
one ‘Then they were giving birth to a child.’
In combination with mia’ta ‘still’ and reri progressive:
256 Yan mi-m-ta’ata
e-n-mor-mior mia’ta
yana mi-m-ta’ata
e-n-mori-mori ma’ta
do not 2p-STAT-afraid PRO-3s-RDP-live
yet
‘Do not be afraid he is still living.’ 257 Israil
re e-ra-wuwu-ra-wei-reri-a
Israil those PRO-3p-wait-3p-wait-PRO-OBJ
‘Those Israil people were waiting and waiting.’ 3.6.2.1.7
Abilitative ‘nana’ There is no free standing word for can, or able in Luang. In traditional Luang, one either simply states an
action implying ability or else the enclitic -nana can indicate abilitative mood. In every day speech there is a tendency to borrow bisa ‘can’ from Indonesian.
48
However this is not considered good language. Sometimes ability can also be indicated by the use of atu ‘know how to’.
258 na-m-keka-nana 3s-STAT-see-ABIL
‘He was able to see.’ 259 ra-tlin-nana
3p-hear-ABIL ‘They are able to hear.’
Notice the sentence examples below.
260 Dewade nwet-nana oleka
kok-koi-wa
dewade n-weta-nana oleka
kok-koi-wa then
3s-quiz-ABIL already RDP-riddle-PERF
‘Then he was already able to solve the riddle.’ 261 A’g ed
maka k-wewal-nana wehla
dina me
kewur di
a’u eda
maka k-wewla-nana wehla
di-na me
kewru di
1s am
who REL-made-ABIL machete this-CONJ and
basket-this? ‘I am the one who was able to make this machete and basket.’
262 Edonna l-la’a
ma’ta leta
ralam-ni de
n-wa-trom-nana patke’a
ida edonna
n-la’a ma’ta leta
ralma-ni de
n-wa-troma-nana patke’a
ida Not
3s-go yet village inside-GEN that 3s-MULT-meet-ABIL female
one ‘Before he had even gone into the village he met a woman.’ lit. had the good fortune to meet a
woman It is possible for the verb to drop leaving only the mood marker nana. Sometimes it is used in polite
imperatives. 263 a. Mwai
pe itla’awa
Apunwa. mu-mai
pe it-la’a-wa Apnu-wa
2s-come for 1pi-go-PERF
Ambon-PERF ‘Come, let us go to Ambon’
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There is no debitive mood in Luang which in English and other languages is indicated by the words ‘must’ or ‘should’. In every day speech ‘musti’ or ‘harus’ are borrowed from Indonesian. However in formal or written
language Luang people insist that they should not use these borrowed terms. A statement, modified by only the word for ‘later’ hota, is the correct way to indicate this mood.
b. Repra nana
tomorrow ABIL
‘Tomorrow we can.’ besok boleh, Indonesian c. Seri
nana
Seri ABIL
‘Look what Seri can do’ 3.6.2.1.8
Nana as polite imperative:
264 Mihru-nan atasu
di pa
aga’atla motru
m-ihru-nana a-tasu
di pa
au-a’ata-la motru
2s-hold-IMP 1s-bag
that for 1s-get up PREP motorboat
‘Hold my bag while I climb on the motorboat.’ 3.6.2.1.9
Teka
Teka can indicate imperative or attemptive mood. 265 mukotteka
mu-kota-teka 2s-say-IMP
‘Go say’
266 Tlamkekteka t-la’a-m-keka teka
1pi-go-STAT-see ATT ‘Let us go see’
Notice the following sentence examples: 267 Noka gari
ni-wra “Demade
a-wa’al-teka.”
then younger 3s-said
“Then 1s-MULT-throw-ATT
‘Then the younger said, “Let me have a try.”’ 268 M-lia
mi-hulti-mi-hamar-tek-la lera
mat-ni mu-la
mi-hulti-mi-hamra-teka-la lera
mata-ni 2p-go
2p-seabird-2p-journey-ATT-to sun
eye-GEN ‘You try and journey to the eye of the sun.’
269 Ta-tian-teka Hindi
e-n-odi ya-’ana-y-emnu
me edonna.
1pi-ask-ATT Hindi DUR-3s-carry NOM-eat-NOM-drink
or not
‘Let us ask Hindi if he is carrying food and water or not.’ 3.6.2.1.10
Evidential ‘eti’
Eti is an evidential marker indicating that what the speaker says is definitive. It often occurs on negative statements.
270 edon n-mai-eti neg 3s-come-DEF
‘He never comes.’
271 na-pling-eti 3s-not know DEF
‘He does not know at all.’ Note the following sentence examples:
272 Id mana
edon r-lernan-eti
one even
not 3p-find-DEF
‘They did not even find one.’
273 Na-pling-eti ina
n-ora Mina
r-mati oleka-wa
3s-do not know-DEF mother 3s-and
Mina 3p-die already-PERF
‘They did not even know that mother and Mina had already died.’ 274 Mere
ira edonna
r-lernan-eti
But they
did not 3p-find-DEF
‘They did not find them at all.’ 275 Totpena
nter-eti-a owa’ana
Tia’ata tota-pena
n-ter-eti-a owa’ana
Tia’ata make-so
3s-break-DEF again Tia’ata
‘So they could really break apart Tia’ata again.’ 3.6.2.2
Object marker enclitic -a The enclitic –a occurring with verbs is a difficult particle to pin down in Luang. Although it appears that
in Luang this particle does function for phonological purposes, that of helping the words flow together and guarding against stilted speech as a result of word boundaries coming together with unnatural
consonant clusters, the -a also appears to be driven in part grammatically as well. When a transitive verb does not have a direct object following it, it may have the marker -a following it. However, this is only
the case if the speaker wants to indicate an object without focusing on it. The -a is not obligatory. Sometimes this clitic may occur as well as the direct object. In this case it may be functioning as
prominence or focus at the discourse level or it may just function phonologically to keep a smooth flow between words. If an adverb follows the verb, the a attaches to the adverb rather than the verb.
Sometimes the –a enclitic also occurs with nouns. See the discussion of this in §3.1.4.
276 a. au-plinu 1s-do not know
‘I do not know.’
b. au-plinu-a