REALITIES ON THE GROUND; EXPERIENCES AND LESSONS LEARNED
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AIPP Regional Capacity Building Program -  Training Manual on the UNDRIP
46
Gaps Analysis
UNDRIP NATIONAL OR   GAPS
CONSIDERATIONS  OPTIONS PROVISIONS ON
LOCAL LAWS IMPLICATIONS
RECOMMENDATIONS FREE, PRIOR
OR POLICIES INFORMED
CONSENT Paragraph or
Specific laws,   Specific laws,  Can current laws, What needs to be
Article number policies
policies NOT policies be used to  done? How? By
conforming conforming
support indigenous  whom? Where? with UNDRIP
with UNDRIP  peoples’ positions  When? For how or interests? Are
long? there loopholes in
the law that can be used for or against
indigenous peoples? Should
the matter be approached legally?
Or politically?
Module-2
First  ask  the  participants  if  they  know  of any laws and policies in their country that
provide for free, prior, informed consent or some semblance of it, and how these laws
and  policies  are  complied  with  or  imple- mented.  If such laws and policies exist, ask
them to fill up a Gaps Analysis table.
Suggested Method
RIGHTS AIPP
AIPP Regional Capacity Building Program -  Training Manual on the UNDRIP
47 EXAMPLE:
MANEUVERING AROUND FPIC REQUIREMENTS FOR THE SAN ROQUE DAM PROJECT, PHILIPPINES
Note:  The  barangay  ,  which  will  be  fre- quently referred to below, is the smallest
political  and  administrative  unit  in  the Philippine local government system.
In 1994, the government of Fidel V. Ramos President  from  1992  to  1998    invoked  the
existence of an energy shortage to revive the dam  projects  of  his  kinsman,  deposed  dicta-
tor Ferdinand E. Marcos President from 1965 to 1986.  These included the construction of
the San Roque dam along the boundary of the Cordillera  province  of  Benguet  and  the  low-
land province of Pangasinan.
The dam was to be 200 meters high and 1.13 kilometers wide.  It was to be built on the
Agno  river.    The  dam  itself  would  be  erected between the Pangasinan municipalities of San
Manuel and San Nicolas.  But the reservoir that it would create was going to reach into the mu- nicipality  of  Itogon  within  the  province  of  Benguet,  where  two  other  large  dams  had  already
been installed on the Agno during the 1950s.  Sedimentation and flood studies indicated that the silt build-up behind the San Roque megadam would meet with silt spillage from the two older
dams.  All villages between San Roque and these two dams were thus threatened with partial, if not total, inundation.
The village that constituted Barangay San Roque, would be dismantled.  This was occupied by nearly 600 migrant Ilocano households.  Eight villages would be drowned in the reservoir.
These were occupied by about 90 households of Kalanguya, Ibaloy and Kankanaey indigenous to Benguet, along with about 10 households of migrant Ilocano.  The members of nearly 40 more in-
digenous Benguet and migrant Ilocano households frequented the vicinity of all the eight villages to cultivate swiddens, pasture cattle, and extract gold placers from the waters and the riverbanks
of the Agno.
Upstream of the reservoir, in the municipality of Itogon, about 5,000 Kalanguya, Ibaloy and Kankanaey households were going to be affected by sedimentation and flooding.  In addition to
them, over 3,000 households were going to have their livelihood activities affected by watershed management regulations.
In 1995, immediately after Ramos announced his plan to build the San Roque dam, the lead- ers  of  affected  communities  in  Itogon  expressed  their  opposition  to  the  dam  project.    And  in
1996, the members of the affected communities in barangays Itogon Proper, Tinongdan,  Dalupi- rip and Ampucao  petitioned the Office of the President to cancel the project.  They successfully
lobbied local government units to support their petition.   This would have stalled the project because Philippine law required local government endorsement for any project that would gen-
erate a high impact on the environment.
Module-2
Now ask the participants if they can share experiences in relating or struggling with
the  state  andor  with  corporations  that had  plans  for  them  andor  their  territo-
ries and were thus, in principle, supposed to seek their free, prior, informed consent
regarding these plans;
If the participants have no experiences or knowledge to share, or if you need to cite
examples  to  help  them  start  their  discus- sion,  you  may  input  either  or  both  of  the
Philippine examples provided below.
Suggested Method
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AIPP Regional Capacity Building Program -  Training Manual on the UNDRIP
48
But Ramos went on a campaign to change the minds of local government officials.  He com- mitted 300 million pesos worth of development works to the various barangays and the munici-
pality of Itogon, and promised even more benefits to the province of Benguet.   The Governor of Benguet joined Ramos’s campaign.  He got the Mayor and Municipal Council of Itogon, as well
as the Chairs of the Barangay Councils of Dalupirip and Ampucao, to reconsider their position. But the Provincial Board of Benguet took a firm stand in support of the communities, against the
construction of the San Roque dam.
Towards the end of October 1997, the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act IPRA became law, and with it the stipulation that the proponents of projects affecting indigenous peoples secure
their free, prior, informed consent.  The IPRA Implementing Rules and Regulations IRR at the time equated consent with consensus.  Even a single dissenting voice in a community could chal-
lenge a hundred votes of consent to a project.
But Ramos had already awarded the contract for the construction and operation of the San Roque dam earlier in the month, to a conglomerate composed of three transnational corpora-
tions, Sithe Energies, Marubeni, and Kansai Electric.  This conglomerate was to be known as the San Roque Power Coporation SRPC.
Ramos also had groundbreaking ceremonies held at the dam construction site although no actual work could yet be done by the SRPC’s subcontractor for construction, another transna-
tional called Raytheon, because the occupants of the site had yet to be relocated.
The  awarding  of  the  contract  and  the  holding  of  groundbreaking  ceremonies  sparked  in- tense  protest.    By  the  end  of  1997,  the  opposition  to  the  San  Roque  dam  project  was  already
being transformed into an organized and militant mass movement, and from 1998 to 1999, this movement spread throughout the Municipality of Itogon.
But the Ramos government and the succeeding government of Joseph Estrada President from 1998 to 2001 continued to ignore the protest.  Instead of addressing it, the government
had the state-owned National Power Corporation NPC work with the SRPC so that they could forcibly relocate the Ilocano occupants of the dam site and start construction.
The NPC was also to work with the newly created National Commission on Indigenous Peo- ples NCIP on negotiating with individual heads of Benguet and Ilocano families whose house-
holds would be dislocated from the dam’s reservoir area, so that they would accept relocation and compensation, and their acceptance could be used as an indication of consent.
To  complement  government  efforts,  Marubeni  engaged  a  non-governmental  organization known as Veritas Truth in the task of persuading affected Benguet communities to accept the
project.  Veritas staff went around Itogon to tell people to “Just accept the project because it has already commenced and you cannot stop it.  But you can still make the most of the situation by
demanding fair compensation for your lands, houses, trees and other land improvements, and asking for other benefits.”
Communities  became  divided  between  people  who  remained  stubbornly  opposed  to  the project  and  those  who  were  already  resigned  to  it.    While  the  latter  signed  compensation  ac-
ceptance documents, the former petitioned the NCIP to issue a cease and desist order to the San Roque dam builders, invoking the absence of a consensus in favor of the project, as obvious from
the persistence of their protest.
Module-2
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AIPP Regional Capacity Building Program -  Training Manual on the UNDRIP
49
The NCIP, however, was paralyzed: it could not act on the petition.  Evelyn Dulnuan, the first NCIP  Chair  appointed  by  Gloria  Macapagal  Arroyo  President  from  2001  to  the  present  had
herself  conducted  an  investigation  from  which  she  concluded  that  the  proponents  of  the  San Roque dam project had failed to comply with FPIC requirements and were unlikely to ever obtain
consent to their project.  But she explained to a delegation of the Itogon Inter-Barangay Alliance IIB-A that “The NCIP is under the Office of the President, and the President won’t let me do
anything.  She has me by the scruff of the neck.”   In 2002, Dulnuan finally issued a statement to the effect that the NCIP could not make any decision on the matter of the FPIC of the indigenous
peoples affected by the San  Roque dam project because the contract  for the project had been signed before the IPRA took effect, and the law could not be applied retroactively.
The  IIB-A  thus  prepared  to  take  the  case  to  court.    But  preparations  for  the  suit  took  the lawyers so long that by the time the papers were ready in mid-2002, the dam had already been
completed, and water impoundment had begun.
In October, the IIB-A, through the Cordillera peasant federation APIT TAKO in which it was a member, filed a report with the UN Special Rapporteur on indigenous peoples.  Based on this,
the Special Rapporteur told  the Economic and Social Council’s Commission on Human Rights Economic and Social Council 2003b: 19-20:
This  has  occurred  because  local  mechanisms  for  the  protection  of  indigenous  rights  have not been effective. The indigenous communities of the municipality of Itogon tried to avail them-
selves of the mechanism provided by the Philippines’ Local Government Code to withdraw en- dorsement of the dam, but the project continued. The Philippines’ Indigenous Peoples’ Rights
Act provides for free and prior informed consent and enables an indigenous community to prevent the implementation of any project which affects its an-
cestral domain in any way by refusing consent to the project. Though Itogon’s indigenous commu-
nities petitioned the National Commission on In- digenous Peoples to suspend the project because
free  and  prior  informed  consent  had  not  been given,  the  commissioners  declined  to  act  on  the
petition.  Thus,  the  laws  designed  to  protect  the indigenous communities were in fact ignored.