important than the father see 6.2.1. The maternal uncles and the ū húnīi ‘death mother’
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hold important roles during Ego’s death celebrations see 7.2.2. Finally, a mother names her firstborn son
and daughter according to her community’s names for firstborn children see appendix D.1.1. The continuing importance of the maternal family may be explained by their kinship system. Following
Murdock, the Bebelibe kinship system can be classed as Duo-Iroquois. Murdock states that “such a structure can arise only in a matrilineal society which has become patrilocal and has thereby acquired
patrilineal kin groups without losing its previous matrilineal ones” 1965 [1949]:245. Maurice 1986:165–167 also notes the importance of the maternal family for the Betammaribe, arguing that
although they are patrilineal, he considers them far from being patriarchal due to the considerable role that the maternal family plays 1986:165. I explore this in more detail below see sections 6 and 7.
3.2 Ū kóóhṵ or ū huɔnū lineage
As well as being patrilineal, each community dī bōtīde is ideally virilocal and exogamous. A community
has one or several lineages tī kóóte or ī huɔnī
SG
. ū kóóhṵ or ū huɔnū. A lineage is a coherent unit, which
can be traced back through its paternal genealogy to the ancestor who founded it. Practically, this means that a person will know how he or she is related to each of the other lineage members, but not
necessarily to those of other lineages within the community. Extensive lineages can have several segments, each one with their own founder.
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If a segment becomes large enough, it can split from its original lineage and form a new one.
At a ceremonial level, the distinction amongst the lineages of a given community is less well defined. As I mentioned above, a community has at least one chief priest, and each lineage can also have
its own priest. As already noted, the diviners bɛ̄ pāsībɛ are the most important figures as they are the
ones who indicate who exactly should perform a given sacrifice or ceremony. Several diviners are usually consulted, both from within the community and those from other communities who are not
aware of family or community politics. Thus there is no clear pattern of who should perform which ceremony when cf. Huber 1969:378. The diviner indicates who should perform the ceremony. This
may be the earth priest, chief priest, lineage priest, the father or a different family member, depending on the nature of the ceremony needed, or the seriousness of a problem being dealt with. For more
important ceremonies that involve the whole community or lineage, the diviner will usually indicate the earth or chief priest.
3.3 Dī sēdūɔde big family or large homestead
Each lineage ū kóóhṵ or ū huɔnū is made up of several extended families. Accordingly, the extended
family is called dī sēdūɔde ‘big family’ or ‘large homestead’
PL
. ā sēdɛ̄ɛ. In fact, the extended family is
made up of the inhabitants of several homesteads that are usually located next to each other. Traditionally, each son, when he marries, constructs his own homestead next to that of his father cf.
Huber 1973:378 or as close as possible, depending on the land available. Villages can be divided up into neighbourhoods, with each neighbourhood representing an extended family. With time, due to lack of
space or a family dispute, a son may move elsewhere and start a new neighbourhood. If a son completely relocates, due to work for example, if he has the means he still constructs a place within the family
neighbourhood, even if it is clear that he does not intend to move back. He and his family then stay there when they visit.
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A uterine mother fulfils the role of ū húnīi during Ego’s burial and death celebrations. Uterine mothers are Ego’s
mother’s sisters, who are classificatory mothers to Ego.
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For an example of a lineage and its segments, see appendix A.3.
The “head” homestead is where the bɛ̄ hídíbɛ ‘ancestors’ live. The bɛ̄ hídíbɛ literally ‘the dead’;
SG
. ū
híídɔ are counted as family members and their shrines also called bɛ̄ hídíbɛ, which are located in the vestibule hut, represent their presence. Fortes makes a similar observation for the Tallensi of northern
Ghana: “These ancestors are spoken of as if they are tangibly present in the homesteads of the descendants, ‘sitting at their shrines’ as Tallensi say... They are the final arbiters in all matters of life and
death among their descendants” 1987:221.
As livestock can also be kept in the vestibule hut, it is called either “the chicken hut” ū kóyāāhṵ or
“the cow room” dī nāacuude. The vestibule hut is always to the west of a homestead and has two
entrances, one to the exterior and one to the interior of the homestead. The bɛ̄ hídíbɛ are represented by
a rounded mud bench, and according to Huber, it is especially the direct ancestors such as the father, grandfather, great grandfather, etc. who are
invoked and each one has his place on the ritual bench. Other relations, however, even female ancestors, are not excluded. For the female ancestors, one can construct a similar but smaller and
separate altar [to the left of the main altar]. For certain clans… each ancestor is represented by a stone placed on the altar. 1973:382, translation mine
Sons do not have the right to construct their own bɛ̄ hídíbɛ whilst their father is still alive. Once the
father has died, his sons are free to construct their bɛ̄ hídíbɛ for him and for their other ancestors. The
youngest son, or Benjamin kɛ̄ ya̰ākɛ,
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however, takes responsibility for his father’s ancestor shrines. Diviners
bɛ̄ pāsībɛ need to be consulted in order to know exactly which ancestors are present in a homestead. Although the ancestors can reside in the shrine, they will leave if there is a problem in the
family. Diviners are consulted to find out what needs to be done to resolve the problem. The diviners confirm whether the ancestors have left or not and how the family should go about appeasing them so
that they will return. Once the ancestors are back, the family is complete again. The living members of the family have a deep respect for their ancestors who are “their ‘superiors’ who assure their happiness,
prosperity and especially the continuity of their lineage” Huber 1973:383, translation mine. Unless otherwise indicated by a diviner
ū pāāsɔ, the head of the extended family normally carries out domestic rites that involve the ancestors.
3.4 Dī sēēde family or homestead
