The “head” homestead is where the bɛ̄ hídíbɛ ‘ancestors’ live. The bɛ̄ hídíbɛ literally ‘the dead’;
SG
. ū
híídɔ are counted as family members and their shrines also called bɛ̄ hídíbɛ, which are located in the vestibule hut, represent their presence. Fortes makes a similar observation for the Tallensi of northern
Ghana: “These ancestors are spoken of as if they are tangibly present in the homesteads of the descendants, ‘sitting at their shrines’ as Tallensi say... They are the final arbiters in all matters of life and
death among their descendants” 1987:221.
As livestock can also be kept in the vestibule hut, it is called either “the chicken hut” ū kóyāāhṵ or
“the cow room” dī nāacuude. The vestibule hut is always to the west of a homestead and has two
entrances, one to the exterior and one to the interior of the homestead. The bɛ̄ hídíbɛ are represented by
a rounded mud bench, and according to Huber, it is especially the direct ancestors such as the father, grandfather, great grandfather, etc. who are
invoked and each one has his place on the ritual bench. Other relations, however, even female ancestors, are not excluded. For the female ancestors, one can construct a similar but smaller and
separate altar [to the left of the main altar]. For certain clans… each ancestor is represented by a stone placed on the altar. 1973:382, translation mine
Sons do not have the right to construct their own bɛ̄ hídíbɛ whilst their father is still alive. Once the
father has died, his sons are free to construct their bɛ̄ hídíbɛ for him and for their other ancestors. The
youngest son, or Benjamin kɛ̄ ya̰ākɛ,
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however, takes responsibility for his father’s ancestor shrines. Diviners
bɛ̄ pāsībɛ need to be consulted in order to know exactly which ancestors are present in a homestead. Although the ancestors can reside in the shrine, they will leave if there is a problem in the
family. Diviners are consulted to find out what needs to be done to resolve the problem. The diviners confirm whether the ancestors have left or not and how the family should go about appeasing them so
that they will return. Once the ancestors are back, the family is complete again. The living members of the family have a deep respect for their ancestors who are “their ‘superiors’ who assure their happiness,
prosperity and especially the continuity of their lineage” Huber 1973:383, translation mine. Unless otherwise indicated by a diviner
ū pāāsɔ, the head of the extended family normally carries out domestic rites that involve the ancestors.
3.4 Dī sēēde family or homestead
The word dī sēēde
PL
. ā sīe is used for both the “family” and for its habitation, the “homestead”.
Therefore, the smallest family unit is made up of everyone living within a specific homestead. At its smallest, this consists of the nuclear family: the husband, his wife or wives and their children. A
homestead has a separate room or hut for each man and woman. The huts are built around a central courtyard. Walls are built between the huts, so that the homestead is enclosed. Traditionally, men had
rectangular huts whilst women had round huts, although with the growing popularity of tin roofs, women may now have rectangular huts. Young children sleep in the hut of their respective mothers. A
woman’s hut doubles up as a kitchen during rainy season, otherwise cooking is done in the homestead courtyard.
The father is the “chief” or the “owner” of the homestead ū sēyīɛ̄nɔ ‘homestead owner’. He is
responsible for the wellbeing of his family. A large part of his responsibilities includes seeing that the domestic rites are performed as needed. This requires regular consultations with diviners
bɛ̄ pāsībɛ cf. Huber 1973:389; Tidjani 1998 [1951]:32.
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As mentioned above, whilst a father’s father is still alive, there is a limit to the rites that he can perform as he is not yet permitted to communicate directly with
his ancestors through prayers and sacrifices.
12
From French, used for the youngest child of the family.
13
Cf. Blier 1991 who writes about the role of the diviner amongst the Betammaribe.
In addition, an Ubielo homestead can include the youngest son Benjamin and his wife or wives
and children. As already noted, normally, once a son has married he constructs his own homestead next or as near as possible to that of his father’s. The youngest son and his family stay in the father’s
homestead, however, as it is the father’s Benjamin who will inherit it when his father dies see 5.2. The
Benjamin is expected to look after his parents in their old age. Despite the fact that two nuclear families can be found within one homestead, there is no way of
distinguishing which family lives where. Everything is shared. It is not possible to determine how the two nuclear families break down as, when the
Benjamin adds huts for himself or his wife or wives, he builds them wherever he can fit them in. If necessary, the original homestead wall is demolished and
then extended. Conversely, as a family shrinks, some huts may be abandoned or demolished and the homestead wall rebuilt so that the overall homestead diminishes in size.
Examining Bebelibe family structure would not be complete without looking at their marriage practices, which I do in the next section.
4 Marriage
In the following subsections I give a brief description of each marriage type practiced by the Bebelibe. I start by looking at the different types of Bebelibe marriage
tī bɛ̄dípōpōōte
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, and then go on to look at modern trends and new marriage styles. Generally, as a result of the influence of modernity, the church,
schooling and the state, Bebelibe society is undergoing rapid change. This is particularly evident in urban areas and when one examines what is happening with marriage practices. One such trend is the
move away from polygynous to monogamous marriage, something the church and action groups for women’s rights actively encourage. As of 2004, monogamous marriage was officially adopted as the
norm, whilst polygynous marriages were prohibited by the government Boko Nadjo 2004:5; MJLDH 2008:16; Houngan Ayemonna and Kodjoh-Kpakpassou 2009:12, though in practice there are those who
try to find their way around this WILDAF-BENIN, et al. 2005:13; Gbadamassi 2004; Houngan Ayemonna and Kodjoh-Kpakpassou 2009:22–23. The shift from Bebelibe styles of marriage to more Western
practices directly impacts the family structure and consequently relationships within Bebelibe society. Legally, a marriage is only recognised if there has been a civil wedding.
In examining Bebelibe styles of marriage below, I demonstrate that these are not marriages between two individuals but are rather alliances between two families—an alliance that is arranged between the
brothers of the girls concerned, who, in turn, will become the maternal uncles of the resulting progeny of the alliance. The families are keen to see that the marriages succeed as this reinforces the alliance and
possibly their social status. If the marriage encounters problems, the families will intervene and try their best to resolve them.
With the increase in Western-style marriages, the support of the family is no longer guaranteed. This is especially true for “common-law” marriages where couples choose simply to live together or
those who have only had a civil wedding.
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When individuals choose whom they will marry, their families are no longer implicated in the success or failure of the union. Thus Western-style marriages are
perceived as alliances between two individuals rather than two families. If the families do not agree with the marriage, the couple cannot count on their help should they encounter difficulties. As will be seen
below, the exception to this is Christian marriage where the church may take the place of the family. The church then intervenes and gives support as needed, as it wants to see the marriage succeed.
Another trend that can be tied in with modernisation is the increasing movement of people beyond the Atacora or those areas traditionally favoured by the diaspora, which I mentioned above. With the
increase in education, people regularly leave the area for higher education and seek employment
14
T ī bɛ̄dípōpōōte is compound noun of bɛ̄ bɛ̄díbɛ ‘Bebelibe’ and tī pōpōōte ‘marriage’.
15
Today, there are those who have had a Bebelibe marriage, and then legalise this with a civil marriage.
opportunities elsewhere. One result of this development is an increase in marriages with people from other ethnic groups beyond those with which the Bebelibe communities usually engage when arranging
