Child deprivation in shelter, water and sanitation dimensions

58 Figure 2.6: Children deprived of shelter by province, 2009 Papua West Papua NTT Jakarta Gorontalo North Sulawesi Maluku NTB West Kalimantan South Sumatra Aceh West Sulawesi North Sumatra North Maluku Central Sulawesi West Sumatra Southeast Sulawesi Central Kalimantan Bengkulu Riau East Kalimantan West Java Riau Islands Bali South Kalimantan Banten Bangka Belitung South Sulawesi Jambi Lampung East Java Yogyakarta Central Java 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 of children deprived in shelter dimension Live in house 8m2 per person Without electricity connection Live in house with earth floor Source:฀Estimated฀using฀data฀from฀2009฀SUSENAS฀Panel Source:฀Estimated฀using฀data฀from฀2009฀SUSENAS฀Panel Figure 2.7: Children deprived of sanitation and water by province, 2009 West Sulawesi Papua Gorontalo West Papua Maluku North Maluku Central Kalimantan NTT Southeast Sulawesi Aceh West Sumatra Central Sulawesi NTB South Sumatra West Kalimantan South Kalimantan Lampung Jambi Riau Islands North Sumatra East Java Central Java South Sulawesi Bengkulu Banten Bangka Belitung North Sulawesi Riau West Java East Kalimantan Yogyakarta Bali Jakarta 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 of children deprived in sanitation or water Live in house without proper toilet Without the access to safe water 59 At the district level, the variation among rates of shelter, sanitation and water deprivations for children increases. SUSENAS data suggest that local districts in Papua and other remote rural areas may have close to 100 per cent of children living in households that have shelter deprivations overcrowding andor earth floors, or no access to clean water or sanitation. Looking across all 455 districts in the country, in each deprivation dimension the most deprived 10 per cent of districts had the following average child deprivation rates: shelter, 82.5 per cent; sanitation, 78.7 per cent; and water, 87.4 per cent. On the other hand, the least deprived 10 per cent of districts had deprivation rates far below average: shelter, 15.6 per cent; sanitation, 5.8 per cent; and water, 15.6 per cent. Table 2.8 shows the bi-variant relationships between deprivations in shelter, sanitation and water, and selected household characteristics. The levels of child deprivation in these dimensions were strongly associated with the economic conditions of the households household consumption, urbanrural location, education level of the household head and household size, but not with gender of the household head. The analysis presented in Table 2.8shows that the gap between household deprivations experienced by children in the poorest quintiles and the richest quintiles were the most obvious. More than half of the children in the poorest consumption quintile lived in inadequate shelter and had no access to sanitation, while only 10 per cent of children in the richest quintile suffered from shelter deprivation, and 5 per cent had no access to proper sanitation. Urbanrural disparities also persist, particularly in regard to sanitation. The poor children in urban areas, for example, are still severely deprived of access to sanitation, despite the relatively low overall deprivation levels for urban children. The education level of household heads seemed to be a key factor, and it also correlated highly with households’ consumption levels. The differences between deprivation levels among children from households headed by tertiary school graduates and those from households headed by less educated people were quite striking. On the other hand, while household size number of members was strongly associated with shelter deprivation overcrowding, it did not seem to be linked to deprivation of sanitation or access to clean water. Table 2.9: Children deprived of shelter, sanitation and water by household characteristics, 2009 Gender of household head Female Male Number of household members Less than 3 3–4 members 5–6 members 7+ members Educational level of household head Noneincomplete primary school Finished primary school Finished junior secondary school Finished senior secondary school Finished diplomaacademy university Geographical location and household consumption level All Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Shelter 32.34 34.25 27.14 27.1 33.8 52.19 45.92 38.42 33.81 22.98 9.39 Urban 26.79 49.89 36.2 28.79 22.91 9.79 Sanitation 37.37 35.44 41.4 34.99 34.41 39.48 57.74 44.64 29.4 12.47 3.57 Urban 16.17 46.06 27.93 15.11 6.44 1.85 Water 32.54 35.36 33.24 35 35.27 35.26 31.2 32.53 35.05 39.68 45.79 Urban 39.67 31.68 30.79 35.47 40.81 52.3 All 34.09 56.55 38.82 28.65 21.71 10.22 All 35.6 63 45.29 30.33 15.48 5.15 All 35.13 30.3 30.71 33.52 37.97 48.52 Rural 40.36 58.72 40.33 28.53 19.8 11.7 Rural 52.27 68.53 55.31 44 29.78 16.65 Rural 31.24 29.85 30.66 31.78 33.48 35.34 Source:฀Estimated฀using฀data฀from฀the฀2009฀SUSENAS฀Panel฀and฀Core 60 Box฀2.2:฀Living฀conditions฀of฀ poor children In one of the study precincts in North Jakarta,฀poor฀people฀are฀living฀in฀very฀ crowded settlements constructed on top of a฀disused฀garbage฀dump,฀including฀sections฀ of฀a฀swamp.฀In฀the฀other฀study฀precinct,฀ settlements of the poor are located along the coast,฀wedged฀between฀piles฀of฀oyster฀shells.฀ The฀sanitation฀conditions฀in฀both฀settlements฀ are฀very฀poor.฀Discharge฀from฀household฀ toilets฀lows฀into฀open฀canals.฀Garbage฀often฀ clogs฀the฀canals,฀causing฀looding฀during฀high฀ tide฀or฀heavy฀rains.฀According฀to฀local฀health฀ personnel,฀the฀most฀common฀diseases฀among฀ children฀in฀this฀slum฀area฀are:฀diarrhoea,฀ respiratory฀diseases฀and฀skin฀infections,฀all฀ caused฀by฀the฀unhealthy฀environment.฀Ima฀ not฀her฀real฀name฀is฀a฀14-year-old฀girl฀who฀ lives฀with฀her฀younger฀sibling,฀mother฀and฀ stepfather฀in฀a฀two-storey฀house฀made฀of฀ plywood฀and฀zinc.฀Located฀nearby฀is฀a฀petrol฀ storage facility and she can smell the petrol fumes฀from฀her฀house.฀To฀reach฀her฀house,฀ she has to walk on pieces of scrap wood because฀the฀path฀is฀looded฀with฀a฀mixture฀ of water and garbage. Her house stands on a garbage฀pile฀covered฀over฀with฀plywood฀and฀ low฀quality฀wood฀is฀used฀as฀a฀loor,฀which฀ feels฀soaking฀wet.฀Many฀neighbourhood฀dogs฀ wander฀around฀her฀house.฀She฀says,฀“living฀ here is both comfortable and not comfortable. It฀is฀comfortable฀because฀I฀have฀many฀friends,฀ but not comfortable because there are a lot of dogs฀and฀drunks.”The฀service฀from฀the฀state฀ water฀company฀PAM฀does฀not฀reach฀her฀ house,฀therefore฀her฀family฀has฀to฀buy฀water฀ from฀water฀peddlers,฀and฀for฀bathing฀they฀ use low quality water from a nearby well. Her family฀is฀quite฀lucky฀because฀they฀have฀their฀ own฀toilet.฀Relatively฀few฀families฀have฀toilets,฀ while฀others฀have฀to฀go฀to฀a฀public฀toilet฀near฀ the฀coast฀and฀pay฀500฀rupiah฀for฀urination฀ and฀1,000฀rupiah฀for฀defecation฀or฀to฀wash฀ themselves.฀ In฀the฀study฀villages฀in฀East฀Sumba฀there฀ are still many houses built on stilts that use the undercroft formed below the house to raise฀farm฀animals,฀such฀as฀pigs,฀chickens฀ and฀dogs.฀Meanwhile,฀poor฀ex-transmigrants฀ who relocated there from other parts of the country฀still฀live฀in฀the฀ration฀houses฀provided฀ by฀the฀government฀with฀earth฀loors.฀Most฀ poor฀households฀do฀not฀have฀a฀proper฀toilet฀ or฀any฀toilet฀at฀all.฀Those฀who฀do฀not฀have฀a฀ toilet will defecate in the farmlands behind their฀houses.฀Like฀in฀other฀regions฀in฀East฀ Sumba,฀clean฀water฀is฀scarce฀because฀of฀the฀ very฀dry฀climate.฀Clean฀water฀can฀be฀obtained฀ from฀private฀or฀communal฀wells,฀but฀these฀are฀ often฀dry฀during฀the฀dry฀season.฀People฀living฀ close to the spring can get water from pipes that฀pump฀the฀water฀from฀the฀spring,฀but฀this฀ water฀is฀only฀available฀in฀the฀morning฀and฀ afternoon.฀The฀poor฀condition฀of฀these฀houses฀ is worsened by the large numbers of people staying฀in฀each฀house.฀Ani,฀a฀16-year-old฀girl,฀ lives฀with฀her฀parents฀and฀ive฀brothers฀and฀ sisters฀in฀a฀6x6฀square฀metre฀house.฀Her฀two- bedroom฀house฀is฀board-walled,฀tin-roofed฀ and฀earth-loored฀and฀is฀a฀transmigrant฀ration฀ house. She accesses an electricity connection from her neighbour using 120 metres of cable and฀pays฀25,000฀to฀30,000฀rupiah฀for฀this฀per฀ month.฀The฀bathroom฀is฀a฀cubicle฀with฀walls฀ made฀of฀coconut฀leaves฀and฀no฀roof.฀Nearby฀ is a water container also a transmigration ration฀used฀to฀store฀water฀from฀the฀spring,฀ but฀most฀of฀the฀time฀the฀low฀is฀very฀weak,฀ particularly during the dry season. Ani has no toilet so she defecates in the farmland behind her฀house.฀According฀to฀the฀local฀leader,฀the฀ poor sanitation in this area has caused many children to become infected with malaria. Source:฀Case฀studies฀in฀North฀Jakarta฀and฀East฀ Sumba,฀June–August฀2010 61 Regarding access to water, it is important to note that the official definition of clean water in Indonesia does include rainwater 13 as one of the safe sources, while excluding packaged bottled water commonly used by wealthier households. This has implications for the interpretation of the data on access to clean water. Based on the official definition, children in the poorest consumption quintile and those living in rural areas are the least deprived, while their counterparts in the richest quintile and urban areas are the most deprived, since they are least likely to use rainwater as their water source. Deprivations in shelter and lack of access to proper sanitation and clean water, which affect the lives of children in income poor households, also influence children’s health as well as their non-material well-being, including their sense of comfort and security. Findings from the qualitative study in Jakarta and East Sumba, as presented in Box 2.2, provide snapshots of these deprivations as they are experienced by children in an urban slum and a poor rural area.

2.4 Non-material deprivation

Evidence from national data sets Non-material aspects of well-being are as important as material well-being in realizing a child’s rights, as stipulated in Law No. 232003 and other relevant laws and regulations regarding child protection. As specified in Chapter 3, Article 11 of Law No. 232003, children are entitled to have adequate rest and leisure time to play with their peers, for recreation and creativity, in accordance with their interests, talents and capacities, because this supports a healthy childhood. This section is devoted to exploring the types and extent of non-material deprivation affecting children in Indonesia. The definition of non-material deprivation includes the denial or neglect of children’s emotional and spiritual needs, regardless of their socio- economic background. Thus, non-material 13 See the definition of safe water in Appendix 1. deprivation embraces a wide range of mental and spiritual insufficiencies faced by children. While many dimensions of material deprivation are clearly documented in the available national statistics, the non-material dimensions are inadequately captured in any national or regional data sets. Material and non-material dimensions of well-being are interconnected such that information on some aspects of non-material deprivation can be inferred from available data on other dimensions, such as children’s engagement in paid and unpaid labour, and children’s suffering due to criminal acts. However, as discussed further in Chapter 5, reliable statistics related to many aspects of child protection are still lacking. The non-physical aspects of deprivation represented in the national statistics are very limited. Interaction between children and parents is captured by the socio-cultural module of the SUSENAS, and these data are collected every three years. The 2009 data revealed that the most frequent activities conducted by children aged 10 years and above together with their parents are watching television and eating, followed by studying and playing. As shown in Figure 2.8, 46.5 per cent of children do not study with their parents, and more than half do not pray, play, have discussions or browse the Internet together with their parents. The Indonesia Family Life Survey IFLS, a nationally representative data set with a smaller sample than the SUSENAS, also captures the frequency of children meeting with their parents and communicating with them by other means, such as using a telephone or the Internet. The IFLS data for 2000 and 2007 Figure 2.9 show that only a small proportion of children met their parents both father and mother everyday, and that more and more children in rural areas only meet their parents once a year. This type of separation might be related to increasing rural– urban, domestic and international migration. It is also important to note that quite a significant proportion of children ‘never’ meet their parents, although this proportion has declined over time. 62 Figure 2.8: Children not spending time with their parents in various types of activity, 2009 120 100 80 60 40 20 of children not spending time with parents on activity Watching TV Eating 18.7 21.2 46.5 55.2 73.6 79.6 98.6 Studying Praying Playing Having Discussion Browsing Internet Source:฀Estimated฀using฀data฀from฀the฀2009฀SUSENAS฀socio-cultural฀module In 2007, around 19 per cent of urban children and 23 per cent of rural children had never met with their parents. This figure is slightly higher than the proportion of children not living with their parents approximately 16 per cent, as estimated from the 2009 SUSENAS see Table 1.5, Chapter 1. Child marriage can be considered as one form of non-material deprivation since marriage brings new responsibilities and an increased risk of early pregnancy, which limit the opportunities of those under age 18 years to enjoy many aspects of their rights as children. The 2010 Basic Health Research RISKESDAS data reveal that 7.4 per cent of 10- to 14-year-old girls and 15.8 per cent of 15- to 19-year-old girls were pregnant during the time of the survey Figure 2.10. The same data also show that 0.1 per cent of boys and 0.2 per cent of girls aged 10–14 years were already married, and among those aged 15–19 years, 1.6 per cent of the boys and 11.7 per cent of the girls are also married. The 2009 SUSENAS also revealed that 0.21 per cent of children were already married see Table 1.5 in Chapter 1, section 1.3. The SUSENAS data also show that 0.86 per cent of women aged 14–49 years married before the age of 15, and 5.91 per cent married before the age of 18, which means that 4 per cent of women aged 10–54 years married at the age of 15–17 years. The disaggregated data show a decreasing proportion of married individuals among the younger age groups. Among the various factors that may potentially be associated with or predictive of child marriage, it seems that household size and the education level of the girls were not significant. Meanwhile, household economic background seemed to be influential. This can be inferred from the fact that the proportions of women who married before the ages of 15 and 18 years were twice as high among the poorest quintile as compared to the richest quintile, and a larger proportion of girls married young in households with at least one working child and households with a single parent, compared to the national average Table 2.9. 63 Figure 2.9: Frequency of children meeting with both parents, 2000 and 2007 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 2000 2000 2007 2007 Urban Rural Never Annually Monthly Weekly Daily 21.2 19.0 26.8 22.8 29.3 28.0 23.6 31.9 23.8 21.7 24.4 23.7 16.3 19.9 13.7 13.9 9.4 11.4 11.5 7.5 Source:฀Estimated฀using฀data฀from฀IFLS฀3฀and฀IFLS฀4 Figure 2.10: Child marriage, pregnancy and childbirth among the population aged 10–24 years, 2010 of each age group Married - Male 0.1 1.6 20.5 0.2 11.7 26.2 7.4 15.8 10.7 16 46 66.5 10-14 years old 15-19 years old 20-24 years old Married - Female Pregnant at the survey Gave birth during the last 5 years 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Source:฀RISKESDAS฀2010,฀cited฀in฀Atmarita,฀2012