b. Fata ly-polatania
li-siki-fa ›
-eretho myn?
How.much his-money
he-give-FUT ›
his-wife to
‘How much of his money will he give his wife?’ c. Halhan
ly-polatania li-siki-fa
› l-eretho
myn. all
his-money he-give-FUT
› his-wife
to ‘All of his money he will give to his wife.’
151 a. Alikan myn
li-siki-fa halhan
ly-polatania ›?
who to
he-give-FUT all
his-money ›
‘Who will he give all his money to?’ b. L-eretho
myn li-siki-fa
halhan ly-polatania
›. his-wife
to he-give-FUT
all his-money
› ‘To his wife he will give all of his money.’
Unlike English, however, Arawak does not have lexical complementizers such as ‘that’ or ‘for ... to’ which can occupy the COMP position. Instead, the language marks the verb of
the subordinate clause with the subordination suffix -n. 152
Na-dykha to
firobero dalhidi-n-bo
konoko-nro. they-see
the tapir
run-SUB-CONT forest-toward
‘They saw that the tapir was running toward the jungle.’ Also unlike English, Arawak does not allow COMP-to-COMP movement of question
words or relative pronouns. All movements to the position labeled COMP in Arawak seem to be clause bounded.
153 a. Alikan by-dykha
›? who
you-see ›
‘Who did you see?’ b. Alikan
by-dykha ›
soko-thi Jan?
who you-see
› hit-WH.SUBJ
John ‘Who did you see hit John?’
c. Alikan by-dykha
› soko-n
Jan? who
you-see ›
hit-SUB John
‘Who did you see hit John?’ d. Alikan
by-dykha Jan
soko-sia ›?
who you-see
John hit-WH.OBJ
› ’Who did you see John hit?’
e. Alikan by-dykha
Jan soko-n
›? who
you-see John
hit-SUB ›
’Who did you see John hit?’ 64
Noun Phrase and Sentence Syntax
154 a. Wa-dykha li
wadili li
Jan soko-sia
›. we-see
the man
the John
hit-WH.OBJ ›
‘We saw the man who John hit.’ b. B-eitha
li wadili wa-dykhy-sia
› Jan
soko-sia ›?
you-know the
man we-see-WH.OBJ
› John
hit-WH.OBJ ›
‘Do you know the man who we saw John hit?’ c. B-eitha
li wadili
wa-dykhy-sia ›
soko-thi Jan?
you-know the
man we-see-WH.OBJ
› hit-WH.OBJ
John ‘Do you know the man who we saw hit John?’
The apparent COMP position of the sentence in Arawak can contain only a single constit- uent. For example, in the above examples, when a time word or phrase like miaka ‘yester-
day’ occurs at the beginning of the sentence, it occupies this position, and no other constituents of the sentence can be fronted.
20
155 a. D-othiki-fa tho-jona
mothi. I-receive-FUT
its-price tomorrow
‘I will get paid tomorrow.’ b. Mothi
d-othiki-fa tho-jona.
tomorrow I-receive-FUT
its-price ‘Tomorrow I will get paid.’
c. Tho-jona d-othiki-fa
mothi. its-price
I-receive-FUT tomorrow
‘I will get paid for it tomorrow.’ d. Mothi
tho-jona d-othiki-fa.
tomorrow its-price
I-receive-FUT ‘Tomorrow I will get paid for it.’
e. Tho-jona mothi
d-othiki-fa. its-price
tomorrow I-receive-FUT its-price
‘Tomorrow I will get paid for it.’ Constituents in what I have labeled the COMP position seem to represent highlighted
new information and, if present, generally receive the center of intonation of the clause.
21
In this respect they seem to represent a type of ‘focus movement’ Prince 1981. Though 3.2 Sentence Structure
65
20
It is possible, however, for a time phrase to occur in TOPIC position see Section 3.2.1.2, in which case the sentence has a major intonational break between the TOPIC and the rest of the sentence. For example,
Mothi, tho-jona
d-othiki-fa. tomorrow
its-price I-receive-FUT
‘Concerning tomorrow: that is when I will get paid for it.’
21
Constituents such as relative pronouns in the COMP position of a subordinate clause do not receive the center of intonation. Question words in the COMP position of independent clauses sometimes do and sometimes do not.
their use is frequent, it is most common in discourse contexts such as asking questions, or answering them, and when presenting unexpected or contrastive information.
3.2.1.2 The TOPIC Position
In addition to the focused element but distinguished from it, a sentence may contain a TOPIC phrase. This phrase may be of almost any sort, including an entire nominalized sub-
ordinate clause.
22
Unlike the COMP, the TOPIC phrase bears no grammatical relation to the rest of the sentence; it is not associated with a gap and therefore should be considered base
generated in its leftward position. There is always an intonation break between the constit- uent in TOPIC position and the rest of the sentence.
156 a. To l-andy-n
bahy-n, l-eretho
donka-bo hibin.
the he-arrive-SUB
house-at his-wife
sleep-CONT already
‘Concerning his arriving home, his wife was already sleeping.’ b. To
boado-tho hala,
by-thikida-ma. the
rotten-WH.SUBJ bench,
you-fall-HABIL ‘Concerning the rotten bench, you may fall.’
That the TOPIC and ‘focus’ COMP positions are distinct can be shown by the fact that the positions can both be filled at the same time.
157 a. To w-osy-n-fa forto-nro, miakaboan
i
w-osy-fa jon
›
i
. the we-go-SUB-FUT
town-to day.after.tomorrow
i
we-go-FUT there ›
i
‘Concerning our going to town, the day after tomorrow we will go there.’ b. To
w-andyn jon,
minkho johon
hime
i
w-othika ›
i
. the
we-arrive there very many
fish
i
we-get ›
i
‘Concerning arriving there, we caught lots of fish.’ Also, since the phrase in the position labeled COMP always corresponds to a gap and the
TOPIC position does not, the distribution of what can occur in the two positions is differ- ent. For example, it is possible to have a time word in TOPIC position, and a direct object
NP in the COMP position, because the time word does not necessarily imply a later gap. That is, the verbs do not typically select time phrases.
158 Miaka,
to sikalho
wa-lhyka. yesterday
the sugarcane
we-cut ‘Concerning yesterday: we cut the sugarcane.’
However, the converse is not possible. That is, it is not possible to place a direct object NP in TOPIC position and leave a gap. If one wishes to topicalize a direct object, a resumptive
pronoun must also be used in the normal position for the direct object.
159 a. To sikalho,
miaka wa-lhyka.
the sugarcane yesterday
we-cut ‘It was sugarcane we cut yesterday.’
66 Noun Phrase and Sentence Syntax
22
Nominalized clauses in this position typically begin with to. Their main verb receives the subordinating suffix -n.
b. To sikalho,
miaka wa-lhyka
no. the
sugarcane yesterday
we-cut it
‘Concerning the sugarcane, yesterday we cut it.’ Unlike the phrases in COMP, the phrases in the TOPIC position always seem to be old,
given, or presupposed information, and they in some sense set the stage for the following information. They set forth what the sentence will be about.
3.2.1.3 Event Sentence Structure
Taking the preceding discussion of the COMP and TOPIC positions into account and ignoring, for the moment, the internal structure of the core of the sentence, the structure of the sentence including
the TOPIC and COMP positions might be something like that found in Figure 14. This structure per- haps needs to be modified somewhat to account for the “dummy verb” sentences discussed below.
[XP [COMP
[S] ]
] S
Sø S
Figure 14. Sentence Structure with TOPIC and COMP
3.2.2 Dummy Verb Sentences
In addition to event sentences like those discussed above which have an SVO structure, Arawak has others which, at first glance, seem to have a different structure and which con-
tain a semantically empty dummy verb. 160 a. Abare
l-a simaka-n,
li d-aithi.
suddenly he-dummy
shout-SUB the
my-son ‘Suddenly, he, my son, shouted.’
b. M-osy-n b-a
forto-nro ?. PRIV-go-SUB
you-dummy town-toward
‘Aren’t you going to town?’ or ‘You aren’t going to town.’ These sentences are, semantically, event sentences in that they describe events or pro-
cesses. Like other event sentences, their main verb the dummy verb can receive the tenseaspect suffixes normally found on event verbs.
161 Basadare l-a-bo
kona-n forto-nro.
slowly he-dummy-CONT
walk-SUB town-toward
‘Slowly he walked to town.’ Dummy verb sentences have a consistent surface structure see Figure 15. The first part of
such sentences consists of a manner adverbial or a subordinate event verb which usually has the privative or negative prefix ma-.
23
The second part is the main verb of the clause. It is a 3.2 Sentence Structure
67
23
Although I have no examples of spontaneous occurrences of a dummy verb sentence starting with a non-negative verb, when questioned some speakers do accept a sentence like the following as grammatical:
?Osy-n l-a-bo
forto-nro ?
?go-SUB he-dummy-CONT
town-toward ?‘Is he on his way to town?’