Direct Object Relativization Constituents Accessible to Relativization

Again, whenever any of the above relative clauses occurs in a post-head position, an overt relative pronoun may be optionally present. 213 Li wadili [alikan da-soko-sia › miaka] wada-bo da-boran. the man [who I-hit-WH.OBJ › yesterday] search-CONT me-for ‘The man who I hit yesterday is searching for me.’

4.4.3 Indirect Object Relativization

As mentioned in the discussion of event sentence structure Section 3.2.1 the indirect object of a clause is almost always found in a postpositional phrase with the benefactive postposition myn ‘tofor’. Such indirect objects can be relativized by simply omitting the noun phrase from its position as the object of the postposition myn, thus stranding the postposition. 214 a. Jan sika to hala li wadili myn miakaboan. John give the bench the man to day.before.yesterday ‘John gave the bench to the man the day before yesterday.’ b. Li wadili [Jan sika to hala › myn miakaboan] osa jada-nro miaka. the man [John give the bench › to day.before.yesterday]go trip-toward yesterday ‘The man John gave the bench to the day before yesterday went on a trip yesterday.’ Relative clauses like the above are also acceptable with an overt relative pronoun. 215 Li wadili [alikan Jan sika to hala › myn]... the man [who John give the bench › to]... ‘The man whom John gave the bench to...’ As mentioned earlier Section 3.2.1, Arawak seems to sometimes allow bare indirect ob- jects without a postposition. Indirect objects in such constructions cannot be relativized. 216 Li wadili [Jan sika › to hala miakaboan] osa jada-nro miaka. the man [John give › the bench day.before.yesterday] go trip-toward yesterday ‘The man John gave the bench to the day before yesterday went on a trip yesterday.’

4.4.4 Relativization of Objects of Postpositions

Relativizing the NP in an indirect object postpositional phrase see above is the only in- stance where the object of a postpositional phrase can be relativized with stranding of the postposition. Objects of other postpositions cannot be directly relativized. 217 a. Jan balyta to hala diako. John sit the bench on ‘John sat on the bench.’ b. Adiakema siokon to hala [ama Jan balyta › diako.] very small is bench [what John sit › on] ‘The bench John sat on is very small.’ 92 Relative Clauses 218 a. Lo-soka sikalho ly-kasiparan abo. he-chop sugarcane his-machete with ‘He chopped sugarcane with his machete.’ b. Ly-wada-bo ly-kasiparan [lo-soka sikalho › abo]. he-search-PRES his-machete he-chop sugarcane › with ‘He is looking for his machete that he chops sugarcane with.’

4.4.4.1 Postposition stranding

The contrast between the acceptability of relativizing the noun phrase in an indirect ob- ject postpositional phrase and its unacceptability in other postpositional phrases shows up even more clearly when one considers examples of the benefactive use of the postposition myn . In addition to being used to indicate an indirect object, myn is also used in the sort of benefactive phrases that can be added to almost any event clause. 219 a. Na-reke-bo to koban to hiaro myn. they-weed-PRES the planting.ground the woman for ‘They are weeding the planting ground for the woman.’ b. To hiaro andy-fa kasiri abo na-myn. the woman arrive-FUT cassava.beer with them-for ‘The woman will come with cassava beer for them.’ When myn is used as a benefactive in this way, rather than to indicate the indirect object, then it acts like any other postposition and cannot be stranded. 220. To hiaro na-reke-bo to koban › myn andy-fa kasiri abo the woman they-weed-PRES the planting.ground › for arrive-FUT cassava.beer with ‘The woman they are clearing the planting ground for will come with cassava beer.’ The locative postpositional phrases associated with verbs of motion such as osyn ‘to go’ and andyn ‘to arrive’ also seem to be part of the VP, 7 and yet the postpositions of those phrases cannot be stranded, either. 221 a. L-osa to sikoa loko-nro. he-go the house in-toward ‘He went into the house.’ b. Da-dykha to sikoa [ama l-osa › loko-nro]. I-see the house [what he-go › in-toward] I saw the house he went into. 222 a. L-anda to onikhan amyn. he-arrive the creek atby ‘He arrived at the creek.’ 4.4 Constituents Accessible to Relativization 93 7 As is the case with direct and indirect objects, nothing other than certain aspect words can come between a motion verb and the locative for which it subcategorizes. See Sections 3.2.1.3 for a discussion of event sentence structure.