Manner adverbials versus time and locative phrases

In the case of manner adverbials, 28 this shows up not just in focus movement, but also in content questions and free relative clauses. 29 171 a. Halika b-o-fa doro-n to oro? how you-dummy-FUT weave-SUB the cassava.squeezer ‘How will you weave the cassava squeezer?’ b. Halika bo-doro-fa to joro? how you-weave-FUT the cassava.squeezer ‘How will you weave the cassava squeezer?’ 172 a. De koborokoa-ka koan [alika th-a-n aba kabadaro hibin bokoto-n de.] I remember-INDIC still [how it-dummy-SUB one jaguar almost grab-SUB me] ‘I still remember how a jaguar almost grabbed me.’ b. …[alika aba kabadaro hibin bokoto-n de.] …[how one jaguar almost grab-SUB me] ‘…how a jaguar almost grabbed me.’ In Arawak, sentences like 173 a. Alikan › andy-fa? who › come-FUT ‘Who will arrivecome?’ b. Alikan by-dykha ›? who you-see › ‘Who did you see?’ are grammatical. One might conclude therefore, that antecedent-government can satisfy the Empty Category Principle ECP in Arawak. If one did so, however, then one would not be able to explain the necessity for the dummy verb in manner questions such as in 174b. 174 a. Alika by-malhithi-fa no? how you-make-FUT it ‘How will you makebuild it?’ b. Alika b-o-fa malhithi-n no? how you-dummy-FUT make-SUB it ‘How will you make it?’ 72 Noun Phrase and Sentence Syntax 28 Content questions for verbs are constructed by recasting the sentence so that the questioned constituent is the complement of the verb ‘do’. Ama b-ani-bo ? what you-do-CONT ‘What are you doing?’ 29 There is some question as to the exact structure of apparent free relative clauses in Arawak. See the discussion in Section 4.2. If the landing site for fronted constituents is not COMP, but is a position adjoined to S XP in Figure 17, then antecedent-government would not function in Arawak. This would provide an ex- planation for the lack of leftward generalized complementizers, the lack of COMP-to-COMP move- ment, and the lack of proper government of a trace in the position of the verb. This solution would also correctly predict that manner adverbials XP2 in Figure 17 could not be properly governed. S XP S NP INFL VP XP1 time, location Vø XP2 manner V NP PP XP3 DO IO subcategorized for by verb Constituents marked with ‘’ require dummy verb when fronted and adjoined to S. Figure 17: Positions Requiring the Dummy Verb There is a potential problem with the solution, however. As already noted, the subject posi- tion, and the adjunct position which is a daughter of S XP1 in Figure 17 in Arawak, do seem to be properly governed. Arawak does not require a resumptive pronoun in sentences like: 30 175 Alikan › malhithi-fa no? who › make-FUT it ‘Who will makebuild it?’ Nor do any adjustments have to be made in order to question non-subcategorized time or location phrases: 174 a. Alon by-dykha to kodibio? where you-see the bird ‘Where did you see the bird?’ b. Alikha by-dykha to kodibio? when you-see the bird ‘When did you see the bird?’ Figures 18, 19, and 20 illustrate the proposed analysis in sentences with a fronted ob- ject, verb, and manner adverbial, respectively. 3.2 Sentence Structure 73 30 That the subject in the example has, in fact, been moved can be shown by the fact that other constituents, such as time words, cannot be fronted in such a sentence. Sø TOPIC S LSAP S NP INFL VP Vø V NP PP husband machete i she FUT give t i to him To the-erethi, aba kasipara thy-siki-fa lo-myn. the her-husband one machete she-give-future him-to ‘Concerning her husband, she will give a machete to him.’ Figure 18. Sentence with Fronted Object Sø TOPIC S LSAP S NP INFL VP Vø XP V NP arriving receive i he FUT t i machete immediate dummy To l-andy-n-fa jon, m-othiki-n l-o-fa aba kasipara abaren? the he-arrive-SUB-FUT there PRIV-receive-SUB he-dummy-FUT one machete immediate ‘Concerning him arriving there, won’t he receive a machete immediately?’ Figure 19. Sentence with Fronted Verb 74 Noun Phrase and Sentence Syntax Sø TOPIC S LSAP S NP INFL VP Vø XP V NP arriving immediate i he FUT receive machete t i dummy To l-andy-n-fa jon abare l-o-fa othiki-n aba kasipara? the he-arrive-SUB-FUT there immediate he-dummy-FUT receive-SUB one machete ‘Concerning his arriving there, immediately he will receive a machete.’ Figure 20. Sentence with Fronted Manner Adverbial

3.2.2.3 Dummy verbs in quotation citations

In addition to the cases mentioned in the previous sections, there is one other common situation in Arawak where the dummy verb is used—in certain quotations. When the clause which attributes a quotation to a particular participant follows the quotation, a dummy verb is required. When it precedes the quotation, a dummy verb is unacceptable. 177 a. “Hehe” l-a onaba-n. yes.emphatic he-dummy answer-SUB ‘“Yes” he answered.’ b. L-a onaba-n “Hehe” he-dummy.verb answer-SUB yes.emphatic ‘He answered, “Yes”’ 178 a. L-onaba “Hehe” he-answer yes.emphatic ‘He answered: “Yes”’ b. “Hehe” l-onaba. yes.emphatic he-answer ‘“Yes” he answered.’ 3.2 Sentence Structure 75 Quotation citations with the dummy verb are even possible without any other overt lexical verb. In these cases, the context determines how best to translate the sentences into English. 179 a. “B-eithoa” l-a. you-know.self he-dummy ‘“Be careful” he saidthoughtshouted.’ b. L-a “B-eithoa” he-dummy you-know.self ‘He saidthoughtshouted, “Be careful”’ From the above evidence, the dummy verb, again, seems to be needed when some sort of fronting has occurred. It is not immediately obvious, however, that the quoted part of a cita- tion can be related to the moved verbs or adverbials discussed in the previous section. One might think that a quotation should be the subcategorized sentential complement of a verb of saying, and therefore a sister to the verb. If this were the case, dummy verb insertion would not be required by the ECP. For Arawak, however, verbs of saying like dain ‘to saytalk,’ onaban ‘answer,’ or simakan ‘to scream’ can be simple intransitive verbs and are therefore not necessarily subcategorized for a direct object NP or for a sentential complement. 180 Ly-dia-bo he-speak-CONT ‘He is speakingtalking’ This may mean that the language treats the content of what is being said as somehow ad- verbial in nature. 31 One bit of evidence for such a hypothesis is that there are two types of appropriate answers to the question. 32 181 Halika b-a dia-n tho-myn? how you-dummy speak-SUB her-to ‘How did you speak to her?’ One can either reply with a manner adverbial, giving the manner of speaking, or with the content of what was said. 182 a. Ma-kanakyre d-a tho-myn. PRIV-loudly I-dummy her-to ‘Softly I spoke to her.’ b. “W-osa-the,” d-a tho-myn. we-go-BACK I-dummy her-to ‘“Let’s go back,” I said to her.’ 76 Noun Phrase and Sentence Syntax 31 There is evidence in other languages also, such as modern German, that direct quotations do not exhibit the behavior normally associated with complement clauses. Cf. Emonds 1976. 32 It is actually more common to question the content of a quotation with the question word ama ‘what’. However, even in this case, the dummy verb is required to frame the question. Ama l-a dia-n? what he-dummy speak-SUB ‘What did he say?’ 323232