218 a. Lo-soka sikalho
ly-kasiparan abo.
he-chop sugarcane
his-machete with
‘He chopped sugarcane with his machete.’ b. Ly-wada-bo
ly-kasiparan [lo-soka
sikalho ›
abo]. he-search-PRES
his-machete he-chop
sugarcane ›
with ‘He is looking for his machete that he chops sugarcane with.’
4.4.4.1 Postposition stranding
The contrast between the acceptability of relativizing the noun phrase in an indirect ob- ject postpositional phrase and its unacceptability in other postpositional phrases shows up
even more clearly when one considers examples of the benefactive use of the postposition myn
. In addition to being used to indicate an indirect object, myn is also used in the sort of benefactive phrases that can be added to almost any event clause.
219 a. Na-reke-bo to
koban to
hiaro myn.
they-weed-PRES the
planting.ground the
woman for
‘They are weeding the planting ground for the woman.’ b. To
hiaro andy-fa
kasiri abo
na-myn. the
woman arrive-FUT
cassava.beer with them-for
‘The woman will come with cassava beer for them.’ When myn is used as a benefactive in this way, rather than to indicate the indirect object,
then it acts like any other postposition and cannot be stranded. 220. To hiaro
na-reke-bo to koban
› myn andy-fa kasiri
abo the woman they-weed-PRES the planting.ground › for
arrive-FUT cassava.beer with ‘The woman they are clearing the planting ground for will come with cassava beer.’
The locative postpositional phrases associated with verbs of motion such as osyn ‘to go’ and andyn ‘to arrive’ also seem to be part of the VP,
7
and yet the postpositions of those phrases cannot be stranded, either.
221 a. L-osa to
sikoa loko-nro.
he-go the
house in-toward ‘He went into the house.’
b. Da-dykha to
sikoa [ama
l-osa ›
loko-nro]. I-see
the house [what he-go ›
in-toward] I saw the house he went into.
222 a. L-anda to
onikhan amyn.
he-arrive the
creek atby
‘He arrived at the creek.’ 4.4 Constituents Accessible to Relativization
93
7
As is the case with direct and indirect objects, nothing other than certain aspect words can come between a motion verb and the locative for which it subcategorizes. See Sections 3.2.1.3 for a discussion of event sentence
structure.