9.6 Verb particles
Verb particles cannot form an utterance alone and are found exclusively following verbs or other verb particles Matisoff 1973:315.
9.6.1 Bisu verb particles
Xu lists six aspectual particles with the following meanings Xu 2001:117: • ‘about to begin’
• ‘already in existence’ • ‘in progress’
• ‘already begunrealised’ • ‘continuing’
• ‘occurred’
The following is an example of the first category, ‘about to begin’: 187 [ga
33
la
55
ni
55
a
31
] I
come
ASP
-about to begin ‘I am coming soon.’ Xu 2001:124
The second aspect indicates factual visible states or situations that will remain the same for a certain time Xu 2001:125.
188 ʑaŋ
33
ʑum
55
tum
31
xan
55
fu
33
tsa
33
ne
55
he house
four
CLF
have
ASP
‘There are four people in his household.’ Actions ‘in progress’ are similar to progressive verb forms in English:
189 [gu
33
tsa
33
p ɣn
33
ne
33
] we
eat
ASP
-in
PROG
‘We are eating.’ Xu 2001:125 The aspect meaning an action ‘has begun’ or a condition has ‘become actual’ emphasizes that event
has become a reality Xu 2001:126. 190 [
ʑaŋ
33
fu
33
ʑau
33
aŋ
33
be
33
aŋ
55
] he
look and
understand
ASP
‘He understood after just one look.’ Xu 2001:126 The aspect of ‘continuation’ differentiates in form and meaning between affirmative ‘still’ and
negative ‘not yet’ usage Xu 2001:126. 191 [
ʑoŋ
33
ba
31
tsa
31
s ɿ
55
] they
not eat
ASP
-continuative ‘They have not eaten yet.’ Xu 2001:126
192 [ ʑaŋ
33
ʑo
31
ne
55
s ɿ
33
] he
walk
ASP
- continuative ‘He is still walking.’ Xu 2001:127
The ‘final’ aspect indicates that an action has happened Xu 2001:127. 193 ga
33
ni
55
taŋ
31
ts ɣ
31
taŋ
31
na
55
an
31
I this
CLF
music hear
ASP
-occurred ‘I have heard this piece of music before.’ Xu 2001:127
Aspectual particles may be combined in two given instances Xu 2001:127: • ‘in progress’ and ‘continuing’ to show ‘the continuous progression of an action’
• ‘about to begin’ and ‘already begun’ to show the reality of an action that is about to start
9.6.2 Lahu verb particles
There are four groups of verb particles, grouped according to distribution and meaning: 1. reciprocity and directionality
2. subjective attitude 3. aspectuals
4. imperatives. Group one is always first, and may be followed by any of the other three. Any member of group four
excludes all members of groups two and three. Groups two and three may both follow the first group. Schematically, the four groups related this way Matisoff 1973:315:
Table 15. Groups of particles Group one reciprocity
and directionality Group two subjective attitude Group three aspectuals
Group four imperatives The first group comprises six particles:
• reciprocity dàʔ
• literal motion to or from və
• continued becoming or motion away e • past-to-present becoming or motion toward la
• perfective permanence tā
• benefactive lâ
The meanings of the particles in group one depend on their context: if literal motion precedes them, they give the direction of motion. They may follow one another to mean motion to a place and back Matisoff
1973:321. After verbs of process or adjectival verbs, these particles mean ‘to become’. Possible co- occurrences are shown in table 16 Matisoff 1973:317:
Table 16. Reciprocal and directional particles co-occurrence restrictions Reciprocity
Perfective permanence Benefactive
Motion away motion toward
literal motion to or from after transitive verbs only
Matisoff 1973:318 Either motion away OR motion toward
After adjectival verbs: ‘continued becoming’ ‘away’ OR ‘close to becoming’ ‘toward’
Matisoff 1973:320
194 yù e
‘take away’ Matisoff 1973:319
195 chu e
fat away
‘continue to get fatter’ Matisoff 1973:320 196 p
ə la
send hither ‘send it here’ Matisoff 1973:319
197 chu la
fat hither
‘be on the verge of obesity’ Matisoff 1973:320 The second group comprises four particles:
• ‘iterative reccurring excess’ qhɛ
• ‘wishdesire’ gâ
• ‘experiential’ jɔ
• ‘vigorous assertion’ à “Reoccurring excess” co-occurs infrequently with “wishdesire,” or “experiential,” but when it does, it is
sequenced either before “experiential” or after “wishdesire” Matisoff 1973:331-333. Possible co- occurrences are shown in table 17 Matisoff 1973:331:
Table 17. Subjective attitude particles co-occurrence restrictions ‘iterative recurring excess’
------------------------------------------------------------ ‘wishdesire’ may be followed by ‘experiential’ OR
‘experiential’ may be followed by ‘wishdesire’ ‘vigorous assertion’
198 câ qh
ɛ eat to excess
‘eat constantly’ Matisoff 1973:331 199
lâhū ɔ̄ -chî câ jɔ ò
lâ Lahu curry eat experience
completed
Q
‘Have you eaten Lahu curry?’ Matisoff 1973:332 200 qay
j ɔ
à go
experience assertive ‘Of course I’ve gone’ Matisoff 1973:334
The third group comprises five particles, which are “among the most important in the language” Matisoff 1973:334:
• ‘futurity or hypothetical’ ‘tù’ • ‘anticipated futurity’
šē • ‘continuing state of affairs’ ‘~still’ ‘
šɔ̄ ’ • ‘completed action change of state’ ‘ò’
• ‘negation of probability’ ‘tà’ The two futurity particles may not co-occur Matisoff 1973:345. The probability particle must follow a
verb that has been negated Matisoff 1973:348. Table 18 shows the mutual exclusivity of the two future particles, and of the probability and continuity particles. It also shows that the completed action particle
may co-occur with either the futurehypothetical or the not probable particle.
Table 18. Aspectual particles co-occurrence restrictions Future or hypothetical
Continuing state of affairs ‘still’ Completed action change of state
___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ Completed action change of state
not probable Anticipated futurity
201 dà ʔ tù šɔ̄
good
FUT
still ‘It’ll still be good.’ Matisoff 1973:346
These particles freely follow those of group one within a single
VP
Matisoff 1973:347. They also freely follow all but one ‘vigorous assertion’ in group two. If ‘vigorous assertion’ is used, the only
aspectual particle that may follow it is ‘continuing state of affairs’ ‘still’ Matisoff 1973:346. The fourth group of verb particles imperatives comprises ten particles:
1. ‘mild suggestionannouncement of intent’ ha 2. ‘commanded prerequisite activity’
šē, 3. ‘first person intention’
ašā 4. ‘brusque imperative’ ayà
5. ‘we-hortatory’ ‘~let’s…’ av�̀
6. ‘imperativizing glottal stop’ - ʔ
7. ‘urging optative’ ~‘may you….’ pî- ôʔ
8. ‘verb emphasizerenlivener’ qha and pâʔ
9. ‘verb emphasizerenlivener’ qha- pâʔ
10. ‘a violent-climax proverb’ qha-pî. These are divided into two groups on distributional grounds:
• The first seven occur in sequence ONLY with those in group one reciprocal and directional particles
Matisoff 1973:355. • In contrast, the final three may sometimes follow a verb and precede any following particle Matisoff
1973:356. Their co-occurrence restrictions are shown in tabular form below:
Table 19. Imperative Particles co-occurrence restrictions mild suggestion
announcement of intent
command of a prerequisite ‘first…’ brusque command
imperativizing glottal stop
‘let’s’ insistent urging
urging or optative imperative ‘may you…’ verb enlivener qha
verb enlivener pâʔ
violent-climax proverb 202 noun + hê
ʔ a noun + get suggestnoun
‘I’ll get a noun or “Give me a noun”’ Matisoff 1973:351 203 câ
a šē
eat suggestnoun prerequisite
‘Why don’t you eat first before, for example, leaving?’ Matisoff 1973:352 204
ŋà nâʔ yù l
ɛ qha-pî
ve I
gun take and violent-climax
NOM
‘I picked up the gun and…bang’ or ‘I picked up the gun and…let him have it.’ Matisoff 1973:357
These particles freely follow group one above, but are mutually exclusive with groups two and three Matisoff 1973:350.
9.6.3 Lalo verb particles