The Dictionary

The Dictionary

–A–

ABANGAN (from Javanese abang, red). Term popularized by American anthropologist Clifford Geertz to describe Javanese Muslims in East Java whose religion, sometimes called kejawen (Javanism) or kebatinan, en- compasses many non-Islamic elements, especially mysticism and respect for local spirits. Followers of kejawen insist that their religious commit- ment is different from, not less than, that of orthodox santri Muslims. See also ALIRAN ; ISLAM. [1239, 1351]

ABDURRACHMAN WAHID (1940–). Born in Jombang, East Java, and grandson of the founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Kyai Hasyim Asyari, Wahid studied in Cairo and Baghdad and then taught at the Hasyim Asyari University in Jombang. He was elected chairman of the NU in 1984 and withdrew it from formal politics when the Suharto govern- ment decreed that all political parties and organizations had to acknowl- edge the Pancasila as their azas tunggal (sole foundation). Under his chairmanship, NU was the first Islamic mass organization to accept this decree. His closeness to Suharto at this time led to a strong challenge be- ing mounted against him at the NU’s 1989 national congress, where the president came to his support, though this alliance between them was short-lived.

Known by the affectionate nickname of Gus Dur, Wahid gained enor- mous stature during the 1990s not only among his NU followers but also throughout the society, where he played an active role despite severe phys- ical weaknesses that left him nearly blind and despite infirmity due to dia- betes and a series of strokes. As an early leader of the prodemocracy move- ment, he preached tolerance of other religions and was a founding member of the Forum Demokrasi in 1991 and an opponent of the religious intel-

2• ABDURRACHMAN WAHID lectuals’ organization Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI),

which he accused of being a tool of the Suharto administration. The pres- ident’s supporters then led a campaign against him in the Muslim commu- nity, and he moved closer to the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI), par- ticularly to Megawati Sukarnoputri, with whom he formed an ad hoc alliance in the mid-1990s. During the closing months of Suharto’s rule, he played a controversial role, again meeting with Suharto and campaigning with the president’s daughter Siti Hardijanti Rukmana (Tutut) in behalf of

Golkar in areas previously loyal to the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan

(PPP). He played no direct part in Suharto’s ouster. During the subsequent opening of the political process, he founded the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) and became its head. Although his party only came in third in the 1999 elections (with 12.7 percent of the vote), he was able to ma- neuver Megawati (whose PDI-Perjuangan [PDI-P] came in first) out of the presidency, garnering sufficient support in parliament to become In- donesia’s president in October of that year. He arranged for Megawati to

be elected as his vice president. Wahid’s stormy tenure lasted less than two years, and after a long struggle to prevent his impeachment by parliament, he was replaced by Megawati Sukarnoputri. He had proved himself to be an erratic and au- tocratic administrator, never coming to grips with the enormous eco- nomic and political problems his country faced. Despite the minority po- sition of his party, he treated parliament with contempt and alienated his longtime ally and vice president, Megawati. He did not build sufficiently on his natural strength among the Muslim community in confronting the secessionist threat in Aceh or easing the interreligious tensions in east- ern Indonesia, passing over responsibility for the eastern provinces to Megawati. Instead he spent much of his time in travel abroad, ostensibly to raise urgently needed aid. Although not himself suspected of corrup- tion, he tolerated corrupt practices amongst his closest associates, losing the moral high ground he had occupied when he first assumed office.

When he realized that his power was crumbling, Wahid resorted to ar- bitrary measures, firing his police chief and openly confronting the army, driving it into a closer alliance with Megawati. When his impeachment seemed imminent, he declared a state of emergency and ordered security forces to shut down the legislature. The army refused to obey the order and sent in reinforcements to protect parliament. The assembly voted unanimously to remove Wahid as president, and Megawati was immedi- ately sworn in as his replacement on 23 July 2001.

After his ouster, Wahid remained as advisory chairman of the PKB and in 2003 dismissed two of the party’s leaders because of their support two

ACEH •3 years previously for his impeachment, a dismissal that was upheld by the

Jakarta High Court. [0771, 0760, 1029]

ACÇÃO NACIONAL POPULÁR (ANP, National Popular Action).

Founded by António Salazar in 1930 as the União Naçional, the ANP was the sole legal political party in Portugal and its overseas provinces, including East Timor. It was abolished in 1974 after the armed forces coup in Portugal. Many of its former members in East Timor later joined the conservative União Democrática Timorense. [0806]

ACEH. Muslim state in the northernmost part of Sumatra, founded in the 15th century by rulers of the state of Lamuri after their expulsion by Pedir. Sultan Ali Mughayat Syah (r. 1514–1530) was able to draw many Muslim traders to his port of Banda Aceh (Kuta Raja) after the fall of Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511, transforming it into a major emporium for trade in pepper and Indian cloth. With European weapons purchased from the profits of this trade, he conquered much of northern Sumatra, including Pasai and Pedir. Under Sultans Alaud- din Riayat Syah al-Kahar (r. 1537–1571) and Iskandar Muda (r. 1607–1636), Aceh fought a protracted war with the Portuguese and with the sultanate of Riau-Johor (see RIAU). Sultan Alauddin sought with partial success to concentrate the pepper trade in Kuta Raja and turned his court into a major regional center of Islamic law and learn- ing. He was patron to the writers Hamzah Fansuri and Syamsuddin of Pasai. Iskandar Muda used revenue from taxation and his own personal trade to build a strong centralized state that was able to subdue the Acehnese commercial nobility (orang kaya) as well as the feudal rulers of the interior (uleëbalang). He pushed Acehnese rule southward along both coasts of Sumatra as far as Padang and Nias in the west and Aru in the east, as well as dominated Pahang, Kedah, and Perak on the Malay Peninsula. He launched major but unsuccessful attacks on Riau-Johor in 1613 and 1623 and on Melaka in 1614 and 1629, losing most of his navy in the latter campaign.

After the fall of Melaka to the Dutch and the shift of trading activity to Batavia and the Sunda Strait, Aceh was ruled by a succession of four queens, beginning with Taj al-Alam (r. 1641–1675) in coalition with the orang kaya, but state power declined under Dutch military pressure and the rise of uleëbalang power based on the growing rice trade. At the same time Islam became more and more firmly established, leading to the rise of powerful Islamic scholars, or ulama, whose influence ended the tradi- tion of female rule. The Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 guaranteed Aceh’s

4• ACEH independence, but in 1871 the British authorized the Dutch to invade to

avoid possible French annexation. The Dutch annexed Aceh in 1874, but the ferocious Aceh War lasted from 1873 to 1903 and the Dutch won only because of the advice of Snouck Hurgronje that they should support the uleëbalang against the sultanate and because of their vigorous military ac- tion led by Joannes Benedictus van Heutsz. According to official esti- mates, 100,000 Acehnese and 12,000 Dutch were killed in the operations. Guerrilla warfare, led mainly by ulama, continued until 1914, by which time the Dutch had been able to crush the opposition and install an ad- ministration headed by the uleëbalang.

A reformist religious revival under the ulama began in the late 1920s and culminated in formation of the Persatuan Ulama Seluruh Aceh (PUSA, All-Aceh Union of Ulama) in 1939 headed by the most promi- nent of the religious leaders, Muhammad Daud Beureu’eh from Pidië (Pedir). Under their occupation, the Japanese used PUSA leaders for propaganda purposes but maintained the Dutch administrative system with the uleëbalang carrying out such tasks as collecting the rice crop and organizing forced labor.

In 1945, after the Japanese surrender, the ulama declared for the In- donesian Republic and launched a social revolution in which most uleëbalang were killed or deposed. Aceh became one of the most loyal Republican regions, being its most staunch financial supporter. Except for the island of Pulo Weh (Sabang), the Dutch made no effort to retake Aceh during the Revolution. After his return to Yogyakarta in July 1949, Sukarno appointed Sjafruddin Prawiranegara as deputy prime minis- ter, with power to decree government regulations for Sumatra, and Sjafruddin established Aceh as a separate province. In 1950, however, this decree was rescinded and Aceh became part of the province of North Sumatra. When the government then tried to deprive PUSA of its control over the civil administration, army, and economy and to erode Aceh’s ef- fective autonomy, a revolt broke out in September 1953. This was led by Daud Beureu’eh and was affiliated with the more general Darul Islam uprising. The designation of Aceh as a province in 1957 and as a daerah istimewa (special territory) with greater autonomy in religious and edu- cational matters in 1959 largely ended the revolt.

Under the Suharto regime, many of the attributes of autonomy disap- peared as the government canceled the region’s control over religion, ed- ucation, and law. Hopes for maintaining any degree of autonomy disap- peared after massive reserves of natural gas were discovered in 1971 in Lhokseumawe in northern Aceh, and by 1977 a liquefied natural gas

ACEH •5 (LNG) refinery had commenced production. These discoveries did not

benefit the local people. By the end of the 1980s, the province was con- tributing 30 percent of Indonesia’s oil and gas exports, but nearly all of the profits and taxes were channeled directly to the central government. Establishment of an industrial zone around Lhokseumawe displaced much of the local population and removed their source of livelihood.

As early as 1976, anti-Jakarta feeling in the region had sparked a new rebel movement known as the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM, Free Aceh Movement), which called for the creation of an independent state of “Aceh-Sumatra.” Headed by Hasan di Tiro, who had been born in Pidië but had mostly lived abroad since the early 1950s when he served in the Indonesian mission to the United Nations, the GAM at this time was weak, and Indonesian government forces were able fairly easily to sup- press it and kill or exile most of its leaders. However, its remnants con- tinued recruitment; and when by 1989 local resentment had grown at the central government’s exploitation of Aceh and its people, GAM reemerged and mounted a far stronger challenge to central authority. The Indonesian military responded brutally, deploying about 12,000 troops in counterinsurgency operations in 1990 and killing an estimated 2,000 mostly civilian Acehnese by mid-1991 when the government appeared again to have crushed the movement.

The rebellion resumed in late 1998 after the government had begun to withdraw some of its forces in the wake of Suharto’s resignation. In re- sponse, the military redeployed hundreds of troops to the area and began another major counterinsurgency campaign. This was accompanied, however, by the Abdurrachman Wahid government’s resumption of negotiations with the GAM beginning in 2000. The following year (9 August 2001), Wahid’s successor, Megawati Sukarnoputri, signed a law providing again for special autonomy for the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Under this law the province was granted special pow- ers, including permission for its legal system to be based on Islamic law. Also under the new decentralization law, Aceh could begin to receive

70 percent of the net income from the vast ExxonMobil oil and gas fields near Lhokseumawe, though its share of proceeds from gas exploitation was less than had been negotiated by Papua regarding its fields. Despite these moves the level of violence continued high, with more than 1,700 people being killed in 2001 alone and widescale human rights abuses carried out by both sides.

In January 2002 a separate military command (KODAM), the Iskan- dar Muda command, was again established for Aceh. But on the 21st of

6• “ACT OF FREE CHOICE” that month, Indonesian troops killed GAM’s military commander, Ab-

dullah Syafei, who was one of two GAM leaders invited for peace talks scheduled to be held in Geneva the following week. It seemed that the government had chosen to emphasize a military solution when in July 2002 the military commander requested six more infantry battalions (a total of about 4,000 soldiers) in addition to the army and police forces of about 25,000 already in the territory.

Nevertheless, efforts continued toward a peaceful settlement and ne- gotiations resumed in Geneva between representatives of the GAM and central government, who signed a peace agreement on 9 December 2002. This provided for regional autonomy, control over the province’s natural resources, and elections for an Acehnese legislature, but it contained no provision for disarmament or demilitarization. By the time the accord was signed, it was estimated that 12,000 people had died in the conflict during the previous decade. The agreement provided only a temporary respite. On 24 April 2003 further talks between the two parties failed, leading to a breakdown of the truce. Megawati declared martial law in the province, and some 50,000 soldiers and police launched a major at- tack to crush the GAM rebels. See also TJIK DI TIRO; UMAR, TEUKU. For list of rulers of Aceh, see APPENDIX C. [0529, 0568, 0660, 0777, 0808, 0818, 0820, 0827, 0946, 1258, 1261]

“ACT OF FREE CHOICE.” See OPERASI KHUSUS; PAPUA. ADAT. Arabic term literally meaning “custom,” as distinct from law laid

down in the Qur’an and other texts. Adat has come to denote all indige- nous customary law in Indonesia, as opposed to the codified civil and criminal law of the colonial and Republican governments, as well as, more narrowly, the body of customary law as recorded in the late 19th and early 20th century by Dutch scholars, notably Cornelis van Vol- lenhoven, Snouck Hurgronje, and G. A. Wilken and given the name adatrecht (“adat law”). The compilers identified 19 adatrechtskringen or adat law zones of similar legal tradition. This codification was un- dertaken to allow the partial application of “traditional” law to the in- digenous peoples of the regions as part of a more general policy of indirect rule. Adat law, as codified, has tended to emphasize the collec- tivist aspects of traditional practice, in which crimes committed by an individual against another are seen as committed by and against the whole community. See also ISLAM; LAW; ZELFBESTUREN. [0479, 1075, 1082, 1083, 1084]

AGRARIAN LAW OF 1870 •7 ADONARA. See SOLOR ARCHIPELAGO. AFFANDI (1910–1990). Painter with a vigorous style described as im-

pressionist and reminiscent of van Gogh. He was a founder of Pelukis Rakyat (People’s Painters) and a member of Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Lekra), but later in life became less sympathetic to the notion that art should have a social purpose. In 1955 he was elected to the Con- stituent Assembly under Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) sponsorship but sat in the assembly’s sessions as a nonparty member. See also CUL- TURE, DEBATE ON THE ROLE OF. [0159, 0202]

AFRICA, HISTORICAL LINKS WITH. Although Austronesians probably touched the east coast of Africa en route to Madagascar (see MIGRA- TIONS) and although that coast was raided by Southeast Asian pirates, per- haps Indonesian, in the 10th century, Indonesia has had little influence on the African continent, except perhaps in the field of music. A. M. Jones has argued that several features of African traditional music have an Indonesian origin. The principal trade route that took Indonesian cinnamon, cloves, and other spices to the Mediterranean in classical times probably ran via East Africa, and Africa was also the source of an important number of cul- tivated plants used in the archipelago, especially kapok and oil palm.

The Dutch settlements in South Africa were formally under the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC), though independent of Batavia for most practical purposes, and an important “Malay” community exists in South Africa, the descendants of slaves and political exiles from the VOC’s East Indies possessions. The first of these arrived in 1667, and there was

a substantial import of slaves from 1715 to 1767, when the trade was banned by the Raad van Indië. Troops were recruited in Dutch settle- ments on the coast of Guinea in west Africa for service in the colonial army (Koninklijk Nederlandsch Indisch Leger, KNIL) until the loss of those colonies in 1872.

From December 1962 to April 1963 an Indonesian unit, the Pasukan Garuda, served in the Congo as part of the United Nations (UN) forces there. Some intellectual links existed between the liberation movements in Portugal’s African colonies and Fretilin in East Timor (see also EX- ILE), and those former colonies, along with Portugal, led international resistance to Indonesia’s annexation of the colony in 1976. [0165, 0527]

AGRARIAN LAW OF 1870. More correctly the Agrarian article of the Regeeringsreglement or Constitution, this marked a major change in

8• AGRICULTURAL INVOLUTION colonial agrarian policy. Under the Cultivation System, villages had

been the owners of land but acquired with ownership the obligation to provide land and labor for government purposes, while Europeans were largely prohibited from acquiring land. Under the 1870 law, Western companies were at last allowed long-term leases over land, though the ban on freehold sale of land to non-Indonesians was strengthened. The law provided that leases should be for no longer than 75 years on “un- used” land and 21 years on village land, and that leases could not in- fringe traditional rights of indigenes. It also declared all “unclaimed” land to be government property, though it recognized indigenous usufruct rights on such lands. The law removed the right of nonresident noncitizens to lease land. Except for the provision on unclaimed land, it applied only to Java and Madura. See also BESCHIKKINGSRECHT; INDO-EUROPEANS; LIBERAL POLICY; RACE. [0484, 0638]

AGRICULTURAL INVOLUTION. Term coined by American anthropol- ogist Clifford Geertz for the process, beginning under the Cultivation System, by which land tenure arrangements on Java allegedly became steadily more complex and intertwined with systems of credit, lease, and usufruct as population grew. It was allegedly able to emerge because the cultivation of rice permitted steadily greater labor inputs with only slightly diminished productivity per capita. A consequence of agricul- tural involution, in Geertz’s view, was the absence of a clearly defined landlord class and a set of social obligations on both rich and poor, which hindered capital formation. This hampered the development of a vibrant entrepreneurial economy such as that of Japan. Presented originally as

a hypothesis rather than as a fully elaborated theory, the idea of agricul- tural involution generated abundant research, much of which tended to disprove its conclusions. In particular, research has shown enormous re- gional variation and numerous examples of capital and class formation in rural Java. See also BESCHIKKINGSRECHT; CLASS ANALYSIS; DESA ; SHARED POVERTY. [0328, 0349]

AGRICULTURE. Wet-rice cultivation (sawah) based on an intricate irri- gation system has characterized the agricultural techniques of Indone- sia’s most populous areas, notably on Java and Bali. A dry agricultural method based on shifting cultivation (ladang) has been more prevalent in the upland regions of the Outer Islands of Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi and is still common, especially in parts of Kalimantan. Un- der the Dutch in the late 18th and early 19th century, the colonial gov- AGRICULTURE. Wet-rice cultivation (sawah) based on an intricate irri- gation system has characterized the agricultural techniques of Indone- sia’s most populous areas, notably on Java and Bali. A dry agricultural method based on shifting cultivation (ladang) has been more prevalent in the upland regions of the Outer Islands of Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi and is still common, especially in parts of Kalimantan. Un- der the Dutch in the late 18th and early 19th century, the colonial gov-

After independence, efforts to redistribute land under the 1960 Basic Law on Agriculture (Undang-Undang Pokok Agraria)—passed at the urg- ing of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) and applying mainly to Java—aimed to assist smallholders who had lost or were in danger of los- ing their land because of indebtedness. (See LAND REFORM.) Although the law was never rescinded, there were few efforts to implement it.

From the mid-1960s the green revolution brought a rapid increase in agricultural production, particularly of rice, with sawah output rising by more than 250 percent between 1966 and 1991. In 1985 Indonesia be- came for a while self-sufficient in rice, before drawbacks in the system reversed some of these advances and the droughts of 1991 and 1997 forced the government again to begin importing rice. Under the Suharto regime, cash crop production did not increase at a similar rate. One no- table exception was oil palm, and plantations cultivating this crop began to replace the forests in many parts of Sumatra and Kalimantan as In- donesia aimed to become the world’s largest palm oil producer. For other cash crops, output growth has been slow and erratic, in large part depen- dent on the rise and fall of international prices for these products. During the closing decades of the 20th century, Indonesia’s economy was trans- formed from one based mainly on agriculture to one based mainly on in- dustry, with agricultural output shrinking from 56 to 17 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) between 1965 and 1995, while industrial output rose from 13 to 42 percent. [0318, 0319, 0330, 0340, 0348, 0730, 0761]

AGRICULTURE •9

10 • AGUNG, SULTAN AGUNG, SULTAN (r. 1613–1646). Ruler of Mataram, Agung came to

the throne amid a sustained campaign by his father Seda ing Krapyak to defeat the port cities of Java’s north coast, especially Surabaya and Tuban. Agung conquered Sukadana in Kalimantan in 1622 and Madura in 1624, and he finally starved Surabaya into submission in 1625. His campaigns devastated much of the countryside, causing severe food shortages and badly damaging Java’s overseas trade. However, they established, for the first time since Majapahit, a single city (around Agung’s court at Karta, near modern Yogyakarta) as the center of Ja- vanese culture. In 1629 he attempted unsuccessfully to capture the Dutch fortress of Batavia, but was able to conquer most of East Java in a se- ries of campaigns from 1635 to 1640, in honor of which he took the Is- lamic title sultan in 1641. [0560]

AIDS. Since the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) was first identified in Indonesia in 1985, AIDS has spread rapidly in Indonesian society. By 2001 an estimated 80,000 to 120,000 Indonesians were living with HIV, and according to the Indonesian government cumulative HIV/AIDS cases jumped 60 percent from 2000 to 2001, with 635 AIDS cases and 1,678 HIV infections reported from January to September 2001. An esti- mated 3,856 AIDS deaths had occurred through 2000, and a further 274 AIDS deaths were reported between January and September 2001. The first infections were probably brought by Western tourists to Bali, but at least since the early 1990s the main conduits of infection have been sailors and fishermen from Thailand and India, and long-distance truck and bus drivers in Indonesia itself. Ignorance of the cause of infection, religious objection to the use of condoms, widespread extramarital sex by men, and routine reuse of needles in medical procedures have all con- tributed to the spread of the disease. In 1987 the government launched a National AIDS Control Commission (NACC) and in 1994 created a min- isterial AIDS Prevention and Control Commission. The campaign to limit the spread of AIDS has concentrated on the “family values” of fi- delity and chastity rather than on “safe sex.” See also HEALTH; PROS- TITUTION; SEX. [1205, 1206]

AIR FORCE (Angkatan Udara Republik Indonesia, AURI). Founded in 1945 with a few former Japanese trainer aircraft, the air force contributed to the revolution mainly by using its planes to import war materials. Its operations were plagued by crashes, in one of which its first commander, Halim Perdanakusuma, was killed. Air Commodore Suryadi Suryadarma

AIRLANGGA • 11 (1912–1975) became chief of staff in 1946. Especially dependent on

modern technology, the air force received extensive supplies from the Soviet Union in the 1960s and was the most left wing of the armed forces, especially from January 1962 under Air Vice-Marshal Omar Dhani (b. 1924). Some of the events of the Gestapu coup took place at Halim Air Force Base; Dhani was jailed, and the force itself was heavily purged. Under the New Order, the separate identity of the air force was gradually submerged in that of the Armed Forces. [0714, 0727]

AIRCRAFT INDUSTRY. Although the Netherlands airline KLM was es- tablished in 1919 partly to provide air links with the Indies, regular ser- vices did not begin until the founding of the Koninklijk Nederlandsch- Indische Luchtvaartmaatschappij (KNILM) in 1927, with a subsidy from the colonial government. Since 1950, international air services have been provided by Garuda. In 1976 B. J. Habibie, with Suharto’s backing, established an indigenous aircraft industry, the Industri Pesawat Terbang Nurtanio (IPTN, Nurtanio [later Nusantara] Aircraft Industry) in Ban- dung, which by the early 1980s was assembling helicopters and other light aircraft under license from Western corporations. IPTN reached a contract with Boeing Corporation in 1982, under which it became a qual- ified supplier of aircraft components for Boeing and General Dynamics. The first Indonesian air show was held in 1986, and until 1988 Nusan- tara enjoyed a monopoly of light aircraft sales to Indonesia’s 55 domes- tic airlines. In the mid-1980s IPTN entered into a joint venture with Spain’s Construcciones Aeronauticas SA (CASA) to manufacture a twin- turboprop commuter transport plane, the CN-235, several of which were sold to overseas airlines. In 1989 it began a project to develop a domes- tically produced commuter aircraft, the 64–68-seat N250, which was un- veiled at the end of 1994. In early 1998 during the financial crisis, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) barred future subsidies for aircraft manufacturing at a time when the N250 still lacked certification. There- after the debt-ridden IPTN concentrated on marketing its turboprop CN- 235 and acting as a subcontractor for aircraft parts, engineering designs, and computer technology. [0414]

AIRLANGGA (Erlangga; 991–1046). Of Javanese and Balinese royal de- scent, Airlangga was at the court of the king of Java in 1006 to be mar- ried to the king’s daughter, Dharmawangsa, when the court was abruptly attacked by forces from Srivijaya. Alone of the royal family, Airlangga escaped and established his rule over an attenuated kingdom in East Java

12 • AKSI SEPIHAK and Bali. After the fall of Srivijaya in 1024–1025, he expanded his power

on Java, creating a network of alliances and vassalages centered on the Brantas river valley. Although regional chiefs (bupati) remained power- ful, Airlangga’s kingdom was more centralized than any before that time. He built irrigation works in the Brantas delta, which controlled flooding and enabled a major expansion in the cultivation of rice, which was ex- ported through the new deepened harbor of Surabaya to other parts of the archipelago. He is also credited with increasing the Javanese content of court culture and with diminishing its Indian elements. In about 1045, according to legend, Airlangga abdicated to become an ascetic after hav- ing divided his kingdom between his two sons to form the kingdoms of Kediri and Janggala. [0509, 0512, 0516, 0520]

AKSI SEPIHAK (direct action). See LAND REFORM. ALANG-ALANG (Imperata cylindrica Poaceae). A hardy grass that is an

early colonizer in cleared rainforest areas, its matted root system makes it difficult to eradicate. Its spread is traditionally one of the factors prompt- ing shifting cultivators to move. It is intolerant of shade, and so gradually gives way to tree species, but where repeated fires hamper the growth of broad-leafed plants, it may form extensive fields resistant to forest suc- cession, leading to the so-called Green Desert, something of a misnomer, since many communities do return alang-alang fields to cultivation. Shifting cultivators are commonly blamed for the spread of the grass, but it seems that some of the largest areas of infestation were caused by ex- tensive cultivation of pepper and gambier in the 19th century. [1148]

ALGEMENE RECHERCHE. See POLITIEK INLICHTINGEN DIENST. ALGEMENE STUDIECLUB (General Study Club). The club was

founded in November 1925 on the model of study clubs organized by Dr. Sutomo to bring together young Indonesian intellectuals to discuss pol- itics and philosophy. The Algemene Studieclub in Bandung included

Sukarno and was openly political. After the banning of the Partai Ko-

munis Indonesia (PKI) in 1927, the club became the core around which the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) was formed. See also NATION- ALISM. [0888]

ALI-BABA FIRMS. They had their roots in the cooperation between Chi- nese smugglers and Indonesian officials during the Japanese occupa-

ALIRAN • 13

tion and particularly during the revolutionary war, when the Republic sanctioned the trading of local products in exchange for hard cash or mil- itary supplies, using Chinese businessmen. In the 1950s establishment of such firms was an effort to circumvent legislation encouraging pribumi business at the expense of the Chinese. In practice firms were still run by

a Chinese (“Baba”), with an Indonesian (“Ali”) as nominal head, some- times providing political protection. See also CUKONG; INDONE- SIANIZATION. [1045, 1068]

ALI SASTROAMIJOYO (1903–1975). Nationalist politician, prominent

in the Perhimpunan Indonesia in Holland, and after independence leader of the left wing of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI). As prime minister from July 1953 to July 1955, he sponsored the Asia- Africa Conference and abrogated the Netherlands Indonesian Union. His cabinet fell after the army refused to accept his nominee for chief of staff. Ali formed a second cabinet in March 1956, which was also dogged by scandals and regional rebellions. Its resignation on 14 March 1957 marked the end of parliamentary democracy. He remained party leader during Guided Democracy, but was purged in 1966. [0695, 0706, 0841]

ALIRAN (lit., “stream” or “current”). In Indonesian usage this term is ap-

plied to any group characterized by adherence to similar ideas or ideals, for example, aliran sosialis. In Western social science, following the work of American anthropologist Clifford Geertz, it denotes the two ma- jor cultural-religious traditions in Muslim Javanese society: the syn- cretist abangan and the orthodox santri. A third aliran identified by Geertz, the priyayi, is now commonly regarded as a class category, re- ferring to the aristocratic aspect of the abangan aliran (and sometimes extended to part of the santri elite). Aliran structure has been said to re- semble the verzuiling (“pillarization”) of Dutch society, with most peo- ple belonging in the 1950s and 1960s to aliran-specific (rather than na- tional, regional, or class-based) political, social, and other organizations. Organizational life in Java, however, has always been far more frag- mented than this would imply. The 1955 election results, for instance, suggested the existence of at least four aliran at that time. In many re- gions the classification is subethnic, santri coming from the pasisir and abangan from the interior of Java. The classification is made more prob- lematic by the fact that some santri Muslims, especially of the Nahd- latul Ulama, draw a good deal of their thought from non-Islamic Ja- vanese traditions. See ISLAM; KEBATINAN. [0700, 0703, 1239, 1343]

14 • ALISYAHBANA, SUTAN TAKDIR ALISYAHBANA, SUTAN TAKDIR (1908–1994). Novelist and philoso-

pher, born in North Sumatra. He studied law in Batavia and worked as editor for the Balai Pustaka before founding the journal Poedjangga Baru with Armijn Pané and Amir Hamzah. He played a major role in de- veloping the Indonesian language as a tool for sophisticated intellectual and technical usage, especially through his editing of the journal Pem- bina Bahasa Indonesia. [0636, 0890]

ALOR. Island and archipelago in Nusatenggara. The mainly animist pop- ulation still produces cast bronze drums whose cultural origin is uncer- tain. See also GAMELAN. [1219]

AMANGKURAT I (r. 1646–1677). Son and successor to Sultan Agung,

he sought to consolidate his father’s empire by gathering all authority in the land to himself, but in doing so he alienated both court officials and regional lords. In 1647 he lost control of the Balambangan region; most of Mataram’s former vassals in Sumatra and Kalimantan also fell away. He forbade his subjects from leaving Java and in 1652 banned the export of rice and timber, though his aim seems to have been to gain con- trol of the trade, especially with the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC), for himself. His authoritarian rule precipitated the revolt of the Madurese prince Trunojoyo in 1671, in the course of which Amangku- rat was driven from his capital in 1677 to die in exile. [0484, 0560]

AMBON (Amboina). Island and city in Maluku (formerly the Moluccas), originally a part of the sparsely populated hinterland of Ternate and

Tidore. The Portuguese established a fort in 1574, but in 1605 the Dutch

East Indies Company (VOC) seized the island, made it the center of their operations in the east of the archipelago under Cornelis de Hout- man, and planted extensive clove orchards. For most of the 17th century, the Dutch struggled to exclude other foreigners (see “AMBOYNA MASSACRE”; ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY) and to estab- lish a monopoly on the spice trade (see HONGI RAIDS). British forces seized the island during the Napoleonic Wars (1796–1802, 1810–1817), and the restoration of Dutch rule was followed by a revolt on the nearby island of Saparua in 1817, led by Thomas Matulesia (1783–1817), also known as Pattimura.

In the latter part of the colonial period, the Ambonese gained a repu- tation for strong loyalty to Dutch rule. This was partly because service in the colonial army or Koninklijk Nederlandsch Indisch Leger (KNIL)

AMBON • 15 was one of the few employment opportunities available to Ambonese,

and they were posted widely through the archipelago (though the mili- tary category “Ambonezen” also included many from the Minahasa and Timor). Christian Ambonese had European legal status (see LAW; RACE), though seldom enjoyed practical legal equality. In 1930, Protes- tant Christians formed around 67 percent of the Ambon population, with the balance Muslims.

Ambon was the scene of heavy fighting between Japanese and Aus- tralian troops in 1942, and it was bombed by the Allies in 1945. It be- came part of the Negara Indonesia Timur (NIT) in 1946, and after the transfer of sovereignty in 1949 became a base of the separatist Repub- lik Maluku Selatan (RMS).

In the years after independence, there was an influx of Muslim mi- grants, mostly from Sulawesi. The Buginese in particular came to dom- inate Ambon’s commercial life, eroding the power of the Christians. An Ambonese Muslim became governor of the island in the early 1990s, and Christian resentment of Muslims increased with the downturn in the economy and the collapse of clove prices. In October 1998, there was a rumor that the governor intended to replace all top civil servants with Muslims. Interreligious violence broke out early the following year and continued through 1999, with Jakarta apparently powerless to end it. It was exacerbated by an influx of Muslim volunteers from Java, particu- larly members of the Pemuda Pancasila and Laskar Jihad. By the end of the year, Muslims controlled approximately 40 percent of Ambon city and Protestants 60 percent, and the economy was in ruins.

In early 2000 the violence spread to the islands of Banda, Buru, Ter- nate, and Halmahera. By June more than 2,500 people had been killed in Ambon, and tens of thousands of Bugis and other Sulawesi migrants had fled. Altogether, between January 1999 and mid-2001 more than 6,000 people died in the Moluccan Islands before the violence petered out.

In March 2002 the government flew Christian and Muslim represen- tatatives to Sulawesi to sign the Malino II Agreement, which brought a formal end to hostilities on Ambon and called for the disarming of mili- tia groups and an investigation into the origins of the violence. Some of the 150,000 refugees began to return, but there was a further outbreak of violence on 28 April when masked gunmen slaughtered 14 Christian vil- lagers. About 400 Laskar Jihad members remained on Ambon until Oc- tober, when they returned to Java after the Bali bombing and announced that their organization had been disbanded. [0025, 0491, 0559, 0781, 0784, 0967]

16 • “AMBOYNA MASSACRE” “AMBOYNA MASSACRE.” In 1623 Dutch authorities on Ambon exe-

cuted 10 English merchants and 10 Javanese alleged accomplices on charges of conspiring to seize the local Dutch fort. Dutch writers have cited the affair as an example of English perfidy, with British writers complaining in turn that the governor of Ambon had reneged on his promise to protect the merchants. The massacres hastened the with- drawal of British interests from the archipelago to India. See also EN- GLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY. [0491]

AMERICAS, HISTORICAL LINKS WITH THE. Tropical America

was a major source of plants cultivated in the Indonesian archipelago from the 17th century. These included chili, cinchona, pepper, rubber, sisal, soursop, vanilla, pawpaw, and pineapple. The disease syphilis probably also derives from the Americas.

AMIEN RAIS. See RAIS, AMIEN. AMIR SJARIFUDDIN (1907–1948). Nationalist politician. Born in

Medan, he graduated from the faculty of law in Batavia in 1933. He was deeply involved in the nationalist movement and helped to establish the Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia (Gerindo) in 1937, arguing strongly that Japanese fascism was an even greater danger to Indonesia than Dutch colonialism. When Japan attacked, he accepted ƒ25,000 from the Dutch to set up an underground resistance against the Japanese. As a result of his underground activities, he was arrested by the Japanese in January 1943 and condemned to death, but his life was spared through the inter- cession of Sukarno. After independence, he cofounded the Partai Sosialis (PS) with Sutan Sjahrir, becoming deputy prime minister and defense minister in the Sjahrir cabinets. He cooperated closely with

A. H. Nasution and with the Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia (Pesindo) and was one of the architects of the Indonesian conventional army. Amir became prime minister on 3 July 1947 and headed the Indonesian delegation in negotiations leading to the controversial Renville Agree- ments of January 1948. Discredited by his role in these agreements, he was forced to resign and joined the radical opposition to the Sukarno/