ORGANISASI PAPUA MERDEKA (OPM, Free Papua Movement).

Founded in 1965 in the Central Highlands of West Irian (Papua) to op- pose Indonesian rule, the OPM drew its support initially from members of the Dutch-sponsored former Papuan Volunteer Corps and from the coastal Arfak people. Under the influence of Indonesian policies in the interior such as transmigration, however, it gained wide though uneven support throughout the province by the early 1990s. Its support was especially strong in the Baliem Valley, along the border with Papua New Guinea, and in the Carstensz Mountains. Its armed forces, the Pasukan Pembebasan Nasional, were regularly augmented by the desertion of Papuan troops from the Indonesian army, but they remained poorly armed and trained. In 1971 Seth Rumkorem declared a Republic of West Papua, and the movement claimed to control about one quarter of Papua. The OPM was racked by factionalism, partly tribal, partly ideological, and many of its leaders went into exile.

After the fall of Suharto, the OPM cooperated with other groups in Papua and gained some success in persuading the administrations of

PACHT • 307 presidents B. J. Habibie and Abdurrachman Wahid to grant greater

autonomy to the province. Several exiled leaders returned to participate in discussions and in the national congress held in May–June 2000, but many mistrusted the new leadership under Theys Eluay and others, who were seen as too close to the Indonesian political and military leadership. On 29 November 2000 the police arrested Theys Eluay and other leaders, refusing to release them at the request of President Wahid. Theys Eluay’s murder a year later, allegedly at the hands of Indonesia’s Special Forces (Kopassus), contributed to further alienation of both the OPM and of the Papuan people in general. Other militias arose during this period, and the OPM seems to have been affiliated with the National Lib- eration Army (Tentera Pembebasan Nasional, TPN), which trained opposition forces to the Indonesian government. See also MELANESIAN BROTHERHOOD. [0754, 0755, 0809, 0815, 0816]

OTTOMAN EMPIRE. See TURKEY, HISTORICAL LINKS WITH. OUDHEIDKUNDIGE DIENST. See ARCHEOLOGY. OUTER ISLANDS. Term equivalent to the Dutch buitengewesten, outer

regions, and sometimes considered slightly pejorative, for the Indonesian islands other than Java, Madura, and occasionally Bali. In general, these “outer” regions are less densely populated, lack extensive wet-rice fields, and are in some cases rich in natural resources. Shifts in the focus of economic activity can be seen in the fact that the Outer Islands ac- counted for only 10 percent of Indonesian exports in 1890, but 70 percent in 1940. The term also contains a sense of political distance from the center. The term is a convenient one but carries little analytical weight. See also NUSANTARA. [0323]

–P–

PACHT (revenue farm, pl. pachten). One of the most common sources of state revenue before the 20th century. The state typically sold or granted rights over a particular sector of the economy to a private entrepreneur, who was then at liberty to extract what he could from it and to enforce his rights with his own private police force. Pachten were commonly granted for the running of toll houses, pawnshops, and gambling dens; the sale of opium and salt; the collection of land, market, and poll tax;

308 • PADANG the management of forests; and the harvesting of produce such as birds’

nests, pearls, trepang, and sponges. In the late 19th and early 20th cen- turies, the colonial government replaced many of these farms with state monopolies. See also TAXATION.

PADANG. Capital of the province of West Sumatra, Padang was a fish- ing and salt-making village, until under Acehnese control in the 17th century it became a major entrepôt for the pepper trade. It was seized by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1664, and then by the British in 1793, who restored it in 1819 to the Dutch. It became a major center for the export of coffee in the late 19th century. The Dutch built a railway line to connect it with the interior and with a new port (Emmahaven, now Teluk Bayur), which was established approxi- mately 10 km south of the town. From there coal was shipped from the Ombilin coalfields, as well as cement from Indarung (PT Semen Padang), and it is the main port for West Sumatra’s other major exports of rubber, copra, cloves, coffee, cinnamon, and rattan. See also MINANGKABAU. [1380]

PADERI WAR. See MINANGKABAU. PAGUYUBAN PASUNDAN. Sundanese cultural association founded in

1914 initially to promote Sundanese cultural identity, though it later founded schools and took part in local councils. Under Oto Iskandardi- nata (1897–1946?), it became the largest mass organization in West

Java, but it never promoted Sundanese separatism. Like the Pakem-

palan Kawula Ngayogyakarta (PKN), it was part of a movement for the support of regional culture within the broader nationalist pergerakan. The prewar popularity of the Paguyuban Pasundan, however, was a fac- tor encouraging the Dutch to create the federal state of Pasundan in 1948. See also NATIONALISM; SUNDA.

PAJAJARAN. The last Hindu kingdom in West Java, founded in 1344 at Pakuan (near modern Bogor). Although primarily an agrarian kingdom, it traded pepper and other produce through Sunda Kalapa, near modern Jakarta, until that was lost to Banten in 1527. Banten captured the capital and slaughtered the royal family in the 1570s.

PAJANG. Central Javanese successor state to Majapahit, based probably

near modern Surakarta. It was defeated by Mataram in 1587–1588.

PALEMBANG • 309 PAK (“father”). Term of affectionate but deferential address. See BAPAK. PAKEMPALAN KAWULA NGAYOGYAKARTA (PKN, Yogyakarta

People’s Party). Founded in June 1930 by Pangeran Sosrodiningrat, whom many of his followers saw as a new ratu adil, or just prince (see JOYOBOYO). With 250,000 members, it was the largest political organization in 1930s Indonesia, but it worked mainly on local issues, especially forming cooperatives and preserving the powers of Yo- gyakarta’s traditional rulers. See also NATIONALISM.

PAKPAHAN, MUCHTAR (1953–). Muchtar Pakpahan established the Serikat Buruh Sejahtera Indonesia (SMSI, Indonesian Prosperous Work- ers’ Union), the first independent labor organization under Suharto, in 1992 (see LABOR UNIONS). He was arrested in 1996 and the SMSI banned in 1997. After Suharto’s fall he was one of the first political pris- oners to whom President B. J. Habibie granted amnesty, and he was in- vited to register his SMSI again and to join the Indonesian contingent at the annual meeting of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Geneva. He used the SMSI as a springboard to launch a National Labor Party (Partai Buruh Nasional, PBN) to contest the 1999 elections, but it only gained about 111,000 votes and no seats. [0424, 0760, 1010]

PAKUALAMAN. Minor court established in Yogyakarta in 1812 under the sponsorship of Thomas Stamford Raffles, with separate apanage rights from the Yogyakarta sultanate.

PALAPA. Indonesia’s domestic satellite communications system, named for a vow by Gajah Mada, prime minister of Majapahit, to abstain from palapa (perhaps a fruit, a spice, or possibly sex) until the kingdom was united. Initially planned in Repelita II, it was finally commissioned in August 1976. See also MEDIA; TELEGRAPH.

PALEMBANG. City and state on the Musi River in south Sumatra. Proba- bly the capital of the kingdom of Srivijaya, Palembang lost its importance after the Chola raids of 1025 and fell into the hands of the Chinese pirate Liang Danming (see PIRACY; ZHENG HE). A new sultanate of Palem- bang became a major exporter of pepper in the 16th century, but it de- clined and fell subject to Riau in 1659. Palembang reemerged in the 18th century after the discovery of tin on Bangka and Belitung in 1709, and from 1722 monopoly contracts for tin mining provided the sultanate’s

310 • PAMONG PRAJA most important source of income. In 1812–1816, however, Thomas Stam-

ford Raffles forced Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin to cede the tin-rich islands. In a series of military and political maneuvers, the Dutch gradually tight- ened their control, annexing the sultanate in 1823. Sultan Taha launched an unsuccessful revolt in 1858, and the Dutch did not subdue the upland Re- jang and Pasamah areas until the 1860s. They remained unable to control the smallholder producers of coffee and rubber, who succeeded in building up an international network of trade in both these products. The Palembang region also had extensive reserves of coal and particularly oil, becoming the largest source of oil exports for the Netherlands East Indies in the late colonial period. During the early Revolution, trade in rubber to Singapore was a major source of Republican finance. Much of the area was occupied in the first “Police Action” in 1947, and on 18 December 1948 the Dutch established a Negara Sumatra Selatan (NSS) under Abdul Malik based in Palembang (see FEDERALISM). The NSS was abolished on 9 March 1950. South Sumatra was the economic base of two of the early New Order’s most important “financial generals,” Ibnu Sutowo and Ratu Alamsyah Perwiranegara. [0569, 0837, 0839]

PAMONG PRAJA (“guardians of the realm”). Formerly pangreh praja (“rulers of the realm”), the civil service on Java conceived as an institution dating from precolonial times. See BUPATI; INLANDSCH BESTUUR.

PALM OIL. See OIL PALM. PAMUNGKAS, SRI BINTANG. Educated at the Bandung Institute of

Technology (ITB) and then at Iowa State University, Sri Bintang Pa - mungkas became a lecturer in the Department of Economics at the Uni- versity of Indonesia and in the late 1980s gained a reputation as a coura- geous critic of government policies and corruption. He refused to join

Golkar and was elected to parliament in 1992 as a member of the Par-

tai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP). His speeches in Bandung and Germany demanding higher teacher salaries, questioning aspects of the

Pancasila, and outlining future challenges to the Indonesian economy

sparked a police investigation into his activities in April 1995. In 1996 Pamungkas founded and led the Partai Uni Demokrasi Indonesia (PUDI). He was blamed for anti-Suharto demonstrations in Germany during the president’s state visit there and was arrested and sentenced in May 1996 to 34 months in prison. After his appeal, he was rearrested in March 1997 on a charge of subversion. He was released when B. J. Habibie became president in 1998. [0760]

PANCASILA • 311 PANCASILA. The five principles of state ideology, as follows: Ketuhanan

yang maha esa , belief in the one supreme God; Kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab , just and civilized humanitarianism; Persatuan Indonesia, Indonesian unity; Kerakyatan yang dipimpin oleh hikmat kebijaksanaan dalam permusyawaratan/perwakilan , popular sovereignty governed by wise policies arrived at through deliberation and consensus; and Keadi- lan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia , social justice for the entire In- donesian people.

The Pancasila was formulated by Sukarno on 1 June 1945 in a speech to the committee drafting Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution and was incor- porated into the preamble of that constitution and its 1949 and 1950 suc- cessors. The general character of the silas allows widely varying inter- pretations of the Pancasila’s content. Early Western observers saw it as a promising synthesis of Western democracy, Islam, Marxism, and indigenous village democratic ideas, while it was initially embraced most enthusiastically in Indonesia by those wishing to avert the creation of an Islamic state; during the 1950s, and especially in the sessions of the Constituent Assembly, secularists and members of other religions put forward the notion of a state based on the Pancasila as a preferable al- ternative to a state based on a single religion. Under Guided Democ- racy, on the other hand, conservative groups stressed the religious content of the Pancasila, in the form of the first principle, in order to distinguish it from ideas of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) and from leftist concepts of Sukarno, such as Nasakom. After 1965, with the PKI vanquished, the Pancasila became once more a tool used by the government to resist pressures for an Islamic state.

From the start, the New Order government frequently referred to its political system as “Pancasila Democracy,” but it was not until 1978 that it attempted to appropriate the Pancasila by formulating the Pedoman Penghayatan dan Pengalaman Pancasila (P4, Guide to Realizing and Ex- periencing the Pancasila), promoting the values of “hierarchy, harmony, and order.” These became a compulsory part of education curricula at all levels and part of the indoctrination process for civil servants and all sec- tors of society. In 1985 all noncommercial, nongovernment organizations were required by law to adopt the Pancasila as their sole guiding principle (azas tunggal) as a presumed guarantee of future political orthodoxy and harmony (see PETITION OF FIFTY; WHITE PAPER).

The Pancasila was used to underpin a corporatist, authoritarian state system; in particular, while interpreting silas 2–5 as precluding politics based on class or other adversarial social divisions, the Suharto regime

312 • PANGESTU ignored their prescriptions of popular sovereignty and social justice. See

also GARUDA; KEPERCAYAAN. [0480, 0661, 0844, 0859, 0911, 0920, 0924, 1040]

PANGESTU (Paguyuban Ngèsti Tunggal, Association for Striving toward Harmony with God). Javanese mystical organization, founded in 1949 by R. Sunarto Mertowardoyo (1899–1965). With over 20,000 members, it is one of the largest of the kebatinan groups. [0714]

PANGLIMA. Military commander, originally referring to senior uleëbalang (regional chiefs) in Aceh but adopted by the Republican army in 1945 as its senior appointment. Initially used for any division or military region (Kodam) commander, it is now restricted to the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) commander.

PANGREH PRAJA. See PAMONG PRAJA . PANITIA PERSIAPAN KEMERDEKAAN INDONESIA (PPKI, Com-

mittee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence). Formed on 7 August 1945 to replace the Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Ke- merdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI), it acted as a kind of protoparliament for the impending state. It consisted entirely of Indonesians with Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta as chairman and vice chairman re- spectively. After the declaration of independence, it met to enact the new Republic’s constitution, adopting the draft previously prepared by the BPUPKI, and elected Sukarno and Hatta as president and vice pres-

ident; and on 29 August, it transformed itself into the Komité Nasional

Indonesia Pusat (KNIP). [0647, 0661, 0674] PANJI STORIES. Cycle of stories derived from East Java and based on

the adventures of Prince Panji in search of his bride, a princess of Daha (Kediri), who disappeared mysteriously on their wedding night. [0159]

PANTUN. Malay verse form in four lines rhyming a-b-a-b. Typically the first couplet contains a cryptic allusion to the second, which may take the form of a proverb or message.

PAPER. Produced on Java from at least 1200, using the inner bark of the paper mulberry Broussonetia papyrifera (Moraceae). It was probably a development from earlier felted cloth under the influence of Chinese pa-

PAPUA • 313

per technology and was used mainly for painting and wrapping, lontar leaves being the preferred writing surface. Lontar, however, was not suited to the writing of Arabic curves and dots, and the use of paper grew from the 14th century with the spread of Islam. In the 17th century, paper was an important item of trade for the European companies, and the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) established a paper mill in Batavia. See also WRITING SYSTEMS.

PAPUA. The territory of West New Guinea under the Dutch, and thereafter

called Irian Barat (West Irian), a term that was abandoned in 1972 as im- plying possibly territorial claims on the eastern part of the island and replaced with the official name Irian Jaya. Indigenous separatists on the island preferred the term Papua, or West Papua, derived from the Portuguese papuas, said to be from a local word meaning “curly hair,” and in 2001 the Indonesian government under President Abdurrachman Wahid named the province Papua. The indigenous population in 2000 numbered 2.2 million, speaking 200 distinct languages.

The island was settled by Melanesians around perhaps 20,000 B.C. Archeological evidence of increased erosion and charcoal deposits sug- gests that extensive agriculture began in 7000 B.C. Domestic pigs, which are not native to the island, were present from 6000 B.C., and by 4000 B.C. a strong economy based on tropical tubers such as taro was in place, enabling the Melanesians to resist the later Austronesians, though some Papuan tribes came to speak Austronesian languages (see MI- GRATIONS). Bronze tools were in use by 1000 B.C., and irrigation ditches in the highlands date from at least the first century A.D.

The island had little contact with western Indonesia until the 20th century, though there is evidence of trade with Majapahit. In the early 17th century the Portuguese Luis Vaez de Torres discovered acciden- tally that the island was separate from Australia. Offshore islands and some coastal regions were claimed by the sultan of Tidore, and the Dutch claim rested on their conquest of Tidore. During the 19th century, repeated European expeditions mapped the coastline and investi- gated the natural history of the island, but a Dutch settlement at Lobo in 1828 was abandoned in 1836 because of cost overruns and debilitat- ing disease, and permanent occupation was not restored until 1896 when the Netherlands feared expansionism by Australia on the island. The border between Dutch, Australian, and German holdings was fixed at 141°E in 1875. Much of the coastal region was “explored” in the 1920s, and a penal settlement for Indonesian nationalists and those

314 • PAPUA involved in the uprising of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) was

established at Boven Digul in the southeast in 1926. The densely populated Baliem Valley of the interior was “discovered” only in 1938. Merauke, in the far southeastern corner, remained under Dutch rule throughout World War II, and the rest of the island was reconquered by Allied troops (those of the United States and Australia) in 1944, before the Japanese surrender.

When the Netherlands transferred sovereignty to the Indonesian Re- public in 1949, it retained provisional control over Papua, arguing that the indigenous inhabitants were ethnically and culturally dissimilar to other Indonesians and would become victims of “Javanese imperialism.” Wishing to provide a place of settlement for displaced Indo-Europeans, some Dutch also saw retention of the region as a way of maintaining their status as a world power and were impressed by the mining poten- tial of the province. Since, however, it had never been constitutionally distinguished from the rest of Indonesia in the colonial era, Indonesians regarded this separation as an attack on national sovereignty and an attempt to preserve colonialism in the region. The status of the territory was left unresolved by the Round Table Conference in 1949, and when the Dutch refused to negotiate the issue it quickly became a running sore in relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands. Dutch actions to bring the Papuans to a separate independence included the establishment of a semirepresentative Nieuw-Guinea Raad (New Guinea Council) and the official raising of the “Morning Star” flag next to that of the Dutch on 1 December 1961.

Under Guided Democracy, Sukarno stepped up pressure on the Dutch, announcing a military campaign (Trikora [Tri Komando Rakyat], People’s Triple Command) for its recapture on 19 December 1961. Mil- itary infiltration began in early 1962. After protracted negotiations and heavy pressure from the United States, the Dutch administration handed over the territory to the United Nations on 15 August 1962; the United Nations in turn handed it to Indonesia on 1 May 1963, establishing a UN Temporary Executive Authority (UNTEA) to oversee the transfer and as- sist in preparation for an “Act of Free Choice” to be held in five years to determine the wishes of the people of the territory. No details of this Act were specified, and Ali Murtopo’s Operasi Khusus led the campaign for integration and carried out the Act of Free Choice in July–August 1969 by inviting the opinions of 1,025 selected tribal leaders, assembled especially for the occasion, who agreed without a vote to confirm integration with the Republic.

PAPUA • 315 Under the Suharto regime, the economy of the province was trans-

formed by the expansion of forest exploitation, by a massive Freeport gold and copper mine, by the arrival of Javanese settlers under the transmigration program, and by the immigration of Bugis smallholders. Christian and, to a lesser extent, Muslim missionary activities were extensive, and Indonesian officials encouraged tribespeople to abandon their traditional dress and customs.

Resentment over government cultural and economic policies and over the domination of government posts by non-Papuans had led in 1965 to the founding of the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), which con- ducted sporadic guerrilla war against government forces. Indonesian military operations along the border with Papua New Guinea (PNG) were

a source of friction between the two countries, especially as Papuan refugees from Irian crossed the border into PNG. With the fall of Suharto, hopes for independence were reignited and the “morning star” flag was raised throughout the region in July 1998. The military quickly responded, killing or wounding hundreds of Papuans. President B. J. Habibie, however, was more conciliatory, meeting with a hundred Papuans on 26 February 1999 and listening to their grievances. On 1 December, thousands raised the Papuan flag and leading members of the community called on the provincial parliament to convey their demand for independence to the central government. Habibie’s successor as president, Abdurrachman Wahid, held public talks with Papuan leaders, agreeing to their flying the “morning star” flag alongside, but below, that of Indonesia, and using the name Papua in- stead of Irian Jaya. At a National Congress held in Jayapura at the end of May 2000, representatives from throughout Papua outlined plans for achieving independence.

Since 1999, a number of militia groups have arisen in the region, the two main ones being the Papua Taskforce (Satuan Tugas Papua/Satgas Papua), led until his death by Theys Eluay, which supports independence; and the Red and White Taskforce (Satgas Merah Putih, SMP), which supports continuation of Indonesian rule. A third group, the National Liber- ation Army (Tentera Pembebasan Nasional, TPN), was believed to be affiliated with the armed opposition group, the OPM. Tensions rose between those advocating independence and their opponents after Wahid gave Megawati Sukarnoputri, then vice president, responsibility for government relations with eastern Indonesia. Following the example of her father, Sukarno, Megawati strongly opposed Papuan independence and allowed the military to conduct a much more aggressive campaign to

316 • PAPUA NEW GUINEA, RELATIONS WITH maintain control of the territory. She recommended that Wahid rescind

his promise to open the Papuans’ National Congress and urged him to act forcefully against Papuan separatism. In October 2000, when the police cut down the “morning star” flag in Jayapura, riots broke out with dozens of non-Papuans being killed and many fleeing the area.

When Megawati succeeded Wahid as president in July 2001, she cooperated with the army leadership in inaugurating a stricter policy of military repression against the possibility of Papuan separatism. The largest operation took place from April to October 2001 after an armed group of Papuans attacked logging companies in the Wasior district, killing nine. In response units of the Police Mobile Brigade detained over a hundred people, imprisoning and torturing many of them and allegedly executing seven of the detainees. The moderate Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay was assassinated in November 2001, further strengthening Papuan distrust of the Jakarta government and military. Three special forces (Komando Pasukan Khusus [Kopassus]) officers were initially charged with his murder, and in early May 2002 a national investigation commission also named three other soldiers as suspects. A total of seven Kopassus members faced trial in Surabaya for his murder in April 2003. On 31 August 2002 an ambush near the Freeport mine left two Americans and an Indonesian dead, an incident that was later discovered to have been the work of the In- donesian army. On 4 April 2003 OPM forces attacked a weapons ware- house in Wamena and killed two soldiers, Army chief of staff Ryamizard Ryacuda blaming this upsurge in violence on the earlier withdrawal of the Kopassus troops. Despite widespread opposition in Papua, in August 2003 the government divided the province into three: Papua, Irian Jaya Barat, and Irian Jaya Tengah (see MAP 12). See also ASMAT; DANI. [0744, 0754, 0755, 0809, 0813, 0815, 0816, 0821, 0946, 1105, 1124, 1252]

PAPUA NEW GUINEA (PNG), RELATIONS WITH. Since PNG became independent in 1975, relations have been dominated by Indonesian fears that PNG may be a base for Operasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) separatists, and by PNG fears that Indonesia may at some time attempt to take it over. PNG formally denies sanctuary to the OPM, though con- trolling the 750-km, poorly marked border is difficult and there is much popular sympathy for the OPM in PNG. Indonesian policies aimed at di- luting the Melanesian character of Papua and heavy-handed operations against the OPM sent a flood of refugees across the border from Indone- sia to PNG in the early 1980s, with a peak in 1984, and PNG confidence in Indonesian intentions diminished when Indonesian armed forces

PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA • 317 crossed the border without permission on a number of occasions. It was

also discovered in 1983 that the Indonesian-built Trans-Irian Highway was being built on PNG territory for part of its length. In October 1986 the two countries signed a Treaty of Mutual Respect, Friendship, and Co- operation that provided, among other things, that neither side would al- low its territory to be used for purposes hostile to the other.

PARARATON (“Book of Kings”). Javanese text dated 1613, telling stories of Ken Angrok and Raden Wijaya (see MAJAPAHIT). The manuscript was discovered on Bali in the late 19th century. [0170]

PARLIAMENTS. See CHUO SANGI-IN; DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT; KOMITÉ NASIONAL INDONESIA PUSAT; MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT; VOLKSRAAD.

PARTAI AMANAT NASIONAL (PAN, National Mandate Party). A political party established 23 August 1998 on the basis of the Majelis Amanat Rakyat (MARA), an organization founded in the last days of the

Suharto regime by 50 opposition figures, notable among them Amien

Rais, Gunawan Mohammad, Adnan Buyung Nasution, and Emil Salim. It was headed by Amien Rais and came in fifth in the 1999 elections, with 7,528,956 votes (7 percent), gaining 34 seats in the parliament. [0763, 1010]

PARTAI BULAN BINTANG (PBB, Crescent Moon and Star Party). An Islamic party established in July 1998 as the heir of the former Masjumi, it described its basis as “Islamic modernism” and advocated an Islamic state for Indonesia. In the 1999 general elections, it received 2,049,708 votes and gained 13 parliamentary seats. It qualified to contest the 2004 elections under leadership of Yusril Ihza Mahendra.

PARTAI BURUH INDONESIA (PBI, Indonesian Labor Party). A Marx- ist party established in Kediri in November 1945 by S. K. Trimurti, Se- tiajit, and Sakirman. It was a member of the Sayap Kiri and merged with the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) in September 1948. The party reappeared after the Madiun Affair but rejoined the PKI in February 1951. A short-lived splinter Partai Buruh was formed in December 1949 by members opposed to the Madiun uprising. [0674, 1128]

PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA (PDI, Indonesian Democratic Party). Formed in January 1973 by a government-enforced merger of the

318 • PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA

Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI), Partai Katolik, Partai Kristen In- donesia (Parkindo), Murba, and Ikatan Pendukung Kemerdekaan

Indonesia (IPKI). As its largest component, the PNI formed the new party’s core, but with the new government policy of monoloyalitas the party lost much of the bureaucratic vote to the Golkar and was reduced to a narrow “natural” constituency, especially among the Christian community. Government intervention in support of the conservative faction of Mohammad Isnaeni and Sunawar Sukowati against that of the more progressive Usep Ranuwijaya and Sanusi Harjadinata weakened the party’s internal organization.

The party’s poor performance in the 1977 and 1982 elections raised the prospect that it might disappear entirely, leaving the Muslim Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) as the only opposition party. After the late 1970s, therefore, the government gave the PDI discreet assistance in the form of direct financial grants and aid in the preparation of election materials and the conduct of campaigns. Sections of the party always sought to present it as the heir to the ideas of Sukarno and his portrait was prominent at PDI rallies, but the government restricted the extent to which the former president’s name could be used. In large part as a re- sult of the candidacy of Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of the former president, the party registered a substantial recovery in 1987, over- taking the PPP as second party in the Jakarta region.

In the 1992 election campaign, Soerjadi, general chairman of PDI, attacked some of the business ventures of the Suharto family and also pro- posed limitations on presidential terms. This challenge lost him the president’s support, and the government refused to recognize his reelection in July 1993. The PDI then elected Megawati to replace him. But in 1996 the government reversed itself and supported Soerjadi, pushing through his election at a special congress of the PDI in Medan in June of that year. When Megawati’s supporters continued to occupy the PDI headquarters in Jakarta, government-backed mobs forcibly ejected them, sparking widespread riots. Megawati commanded wide popular support, and when in September 1996 the government rejected a slate of candidates submitted by her group, further antigovernment demonstrations erupted. These continued for months, and on 15 April 1997 thousands of Megawati’s supporters protested in front of the parliament building in Jakarta demanding that her slate and not that of Soerjadi be accepted in the forthcoming elections as representing the PDI. Shortly before the elections, Megawati an- nounced that she would not be casting a vote and, though she did not ask her supporters to follow her lead in boycotting the elections, she requested

PARTAI INDONESIA RAYA • 319 that they not vote for the PDI. Soerjadi and his supporters in the PDI ran a

lackluster campaign, facing demonstrations from Megawati’s supporters at all their rallies. In the May elections, the party received only 3.5 million votes and was allotted only 11 seats in the parliament. At the PDI party congress in 1997, Budi Hardjono replaced Soerjadi as party chairman.

Megawati’s split from the party and formation of her Partai Demokrasi Indonesia—Perjuangan (PDI-P) gutted the PDI’s support. In the post-Suharto general election of 1999, the PDI only succeeded in gaining 655,049 votes and 2 seats in parliament. [0736, 0760, 1010]

PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA—PERJUANGAN (PDI-P, In- donesian Democratic Party of Struggle). The PDI-P developed out of

Megawati Sukarnoputri’s faction of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia

(PDI). After the PDI congress in August 1998 in Palu, Sulawesi, when the new chairman, Budi Hardjono, refused to disband the party, Megawati’s faction held a congress in Bali from 8–10 October. In her speech there, she referred to the congress as a gathering of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P). Most of the PDI’s base and many of its former leaders moved to Megawati’s party, which in the 1999 elections gained 35 percent of the vote (35,689,073) and the largest number of parliamentary seats (153) [0760, 1010]

PARTAI INDONESIA (Partindo). 1. Party founded in 1931 by Mr. R. M. Sartono to replace the recently dissolved Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI). After failing to bridge the differences between Partindo and the

Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia of Mohammad Hatta and Sutan

Sjahrir, Sukarno joined Partindo in 1932. The party pressed for independence by means of mass action, and its membership soon swelled to

a claimed 20,000. Its mass rallies soon attracted Dutch repression; its leaders were arrested and exiled, its 1934 party congress was forbidden, and the party decided to dissolve in November 1936. [0613, 0661]

2. A small left-wing party that seceded from the Partai Nasional In- donesia (PNI) in July 1958, partly to back the policies of Sukarno. Its existence was used to justify the appointment of more left-wingers to official posts alongside the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), to which it became increasingly close. It was banned in 1966. [0475]

PARTAI INDONESIA RAYA (Parindra, Greater Indonesia Party). Formed as a merger of Budi Utomo and the Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia in De- cember 1935 it was led by Sutomo, M. H. Thamrin, Susanto Tirtoprojo,

320 • PARTAI KATOLIK and Sukarjo Wiryopranoto. More conservative than Gerakan Rakyat In-

donesia (Gerindo), it was willing to cooperate with the Dutch and was instrumental in forming the moderate nationalist coalition Gabungan Politik Indonesia (Gapi). It claimed 10,000 members in 1940. In 1938 it founded a commercial company, the Pertanian Bumi Putera, to initiate party-controlled agricultural and industrial enterprises. Parindra was hopeful that Japanese pressure on the Indies would lead to reforms, and the Dutch detained Thamrin in February 1941 on suspicion of “treason- ous” dealing with Japan. The party was banned, like all others, during the Japanese occupation, but it reemerged in November 1949 under R. P. Suroso, who sat in several cabinets until the party disappeared in the 1955 elections. [0586, 0888]

PARTAI KATOLIK (Catholic Party). The earliest political association of Indonesian Catholics was the Pakempalan Politik Katolik Jawi (Political Association of Javanese Catholics), founded in February 1923 and headed from 1925 by Ignatius Joseph Kasimo (1900–1987?). The PPKJ was represented in the Volksraad from 1924 and in the nationalist fed- erations Permufakatan Perhimpunan Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia (PPPKI) and Gabungan Politik Indonesia (Gapi). It changed its name several times, becoming the Persatuan Politik Katolik Indonesia (PPKI, Political Union of Indonesian Catholics) in 1930, the Persatuan Katolik Republik Indonesia (PKRI) in December 1945, and the Partai Katolik in August 1950, still led by Kasimo. With a small but solid constituency in Flores and Central Java, it was present in all parliaments from 1945 until it was merged into the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI) in 1973. [0695, 1003]

PARTAI KEADILAN (PK, Justice Party). A modernist Muslim party, established in July 1998 after Suharto’s fall and led by Nur Mahmudi Is- mail. More progressive than the Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), the other major heir to Masjumi, it had ties with anti-Suharto student activist organizations and had support among university graduates hoping to see Indonesia become a modern Islamic society. It received 1,436,565 votes in the 1999 general elections, gaining seven parliamentary seats. Several of its leaders are graduates of Saudi Arabian universities, and the party espouses the introduction of Islamic law (syariah) in Indonesia. After failing to qualify for the 2004 elections, the Partai Keadilan joined with another Islamic party to form the new Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS, Justice and Welfare Party), which was expected to support Amien Rais as presidential candidate. [1010, 0765]

PARTAI KOMUNIS INDONESIA • 321

ORGANISASI PAPUA MERDEKA (OPM, Free Papua Movement).