Prabowo Subianto, from his position as head of Komando Pasukan

Khusus (Kopassus). Wiranto was also largely responsible for separating the police from control of the armed forces in April 1999, and for steps to lessen military involvement in civilian affairs under dwifungsi.

Although disappointed in his hope to become vice president, Wiranto was appointed coordinating minister for defense and security in Abdur- rachman Wahid’s cabinet on 27 October 1999. But his tenure was short- lived, especially because after the widespread massacres carried out by military-supported militias following the referendum in East Timor, the national Human Rights Commission recommended that the Attorney General’s office investigate Wiranto’s responsibility for the military’s ac- tions there. The president suspended him as coordinating minister in Feb- ruary 2000, and he formally resigned three months later on 16 May. In February 2003 the United Nations indicted him for crimes against hu- manity for his responsibility in the massacres during the vote for East Timor’s independence in 1999, an indictment that the Indonesian government ignored. In October 2003 Wiranto emerged as a strong con- tender for Golkar’s nomination for the presidency in 2004. [0731, 0972]

WOMEN AND MEN. As elsewhere in the world, a social division of la-

bor between men and women has been the rule throughout most of the

456 • WOMEN AND MEN archipelago, derived partly from religious notions of a distinction be-

tween active and productive energy. Thus, men were traditionally responsible for tasks such as metalworking, raising animals, plowing fields, felling trees, hunting, and building, while women were assigned transplanting, harvesting, pottery, weaving, food preparation, and mar- keting. There seems also to have been a widespread tradition of bilateral and matrilineal kinship, seen most strongly today in Minangkabau so- ciety, where ownership of land passes exclusively through the female line and men are frequently absent from the community on merantau. This combination of conceptual dualism and female economic power seems to have led to societies in which the access of women to power, position, and education was not dramatically less than that of men, or at least was considerably greater than in Chinese, Indian, or Islamic societies. Thus, female literacy was high (see WRITING SYSTEMS), there were many important women traders and diplomats (women were traditionally regarded as more adept in financial matters and in negotiation than men, partly because they were not bound by rigid male codes of honor), and the courts of Aceh and Mataram had a tradition of women bodyguards. Women took part in the Java War as generals. South Su- lawesi in the 14th to 19th centuries and Aceh in the 17th century were ruled by a succession of queens.

Hindu, Muslim, and perhaps Chinese influences all helped to diminish the access of women to education and to positions of power and influence. All accepted polygamy and preferred some degree of seclusion of women, though their influence was felt at first most strongly in elite cir- cles. In rural areas in particular, the role of women in market trade and in harvesting assured their continuing social significance, though changes in both areas in recent years have damaged their position (see GREEN REVOLUTION). In other sectors of the economy, women are most numerous as unskilled and semiskilled factory workers and as do- mestic help, and they face the common problems of low wages and sex- ual harassment.

Participation by women in modern politics was unknown until the late 19th century, when the growing presence of educated European women as wives of government officials increased the social pressure on the wives of indigenous elite men to be conversant with public affairs. This consideration led, for instance, to the Western education given to R. A. Kartini. Indonesian women first graduated in law in 1921 and in medi- cine in 1922, and a number of women were prominent in the nationalist movement. While often members and leaders of women’s groups, the

WOMEN’S MOVEMENT • 457 most prominent of these worked alongside men in nationalist organiza-

tions. One of the most outstanding was Rasuna Said (1910–1965), who taught in the Diniyah Putri school in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, and then was a leader of the Persatuan Muslimin Indonesia (Permi) and subsequently close to Sukarno in the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI). Another was Maria Ulfah Santoso (1911–1988), who was the first In- donesian woman to receive a law degree in the Netherlands (Leiden 1933), and the first woman cabinet minister when she served as minister of social affairs in Sutan Sjahrir’s second cabinet (1946–1947).

The 1945 Constitution specified legal equality for men and women, but most political parties maintained affiliated women’s organizations rather than integrating women fully into their structures (see, e.g., GER- AKAN WANITA INDONESIA). Official policy in the late Suharto period stressed the role of women as wives and mothers, but women continued to hold a number of senior administrative posts. While Suharto’s wife held no official position, with her influence dependent largely on her relationship with her husband and her commercial activities, his eld- est daughter, Siti Hardijanti Hastuti Rukmana (Tutut), was prominent not only in the commercial field but also as a leader of Golkar. Megawati

Sukarnoputri was elected to lead the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia

(PDI) in 1993 and ultimately became Indonesia’s first woman president in 2001. See also DHARMA WANITA; MARRIAGE, POLITICAL SIG- NIFICANCE OF; RACE. [0552, 0566, 0576, 0584, 1400, 1409, 1412, 1416, 1417, 1419, 1421, 1424, 1425, 1427, 1430, 1432]

WOMEN’S MOVEMENT. R. A. Kartini is generally credited with founding the women’s movement in Indonesia by identifying and promoting the specific interests of women. The earliest women’s organizations were concerned mainly with the spreading of information on matters of inter- est to women. The first women’s journal, Poetri Hindia, began publica- tion in Bogor in 1908. In 1912 Soenting Melajoe published its first issue in West Sumatra. One of its founders was Rohana Kudus (1884–1974), often viewed as the Minangkabau Kartini. The early movements stressed women’s education, both Islamic and western. One of the most successful and influential of the women’s schools was the Diniyah Putri founded in Padang Panjang in 1923 by Rahmah El Yunusiyah (1900–1969), which had as many as 500 female students drawn from throughout the archipelago and Malaya. From 1914 the journal Poetri Merdeka began to argue that women’s problems had a political solution, and four Indonesian women’s conferences were held 1928–1932, at the first of which a

458 • WORLD BANK number of generally nationalist women’s associations federated to form

an organization that in 1932 took the name Perikatan Perhimpunan Istri Indonesia (PPII, Federation of Indonesian Women’s Associations). The federation established scholarships for girls; opposed polygamy, prosti- tution, and child marriage; and promoted scouting and hygiene. The organization Istri Sedar (The Conscious Woman), founded in Bandung in 1930, was particularly active in these areas and came frequently into con- flict with the Muslim Aisyiyah. In 1932 Istri Sedar merged with other women’s groups to become Isteri Indonesia (Indonesian Women).

During the Revolution women’s organizations regrouped to form the Badan Kongres Wanita Indonesia (Kowani, Congressional Body of In- donesian Women) committed to an independent Indonesia, which dis- solved in 1950 and was replaced by an organization of the same name (Kowani), which, however, played only a coordinating role among its many affiliates. See also DUTCH IN INDONESIA; GERAKAN WANITA INDONESIA (GEKWANI). [0627, 1282, 1287, 1422, 1428, 1430, 1432]

WORLD BANK (International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment, IBRD). Indonesia joined the World Bank in April 1954, left on 17 August 1965 without having contracted loans with it, and rejoined in April 1967. Experts from the bank, as well as from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), helped devise the Suharto regime’s new economic stabilization policies. The first IBRD credit to Indonesia, in Sep- tember 1968, was for US$5 million. Credits have continued to be prima- rily in the area of agriculture and communications. The IBRD is a member of the Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI). The bank has been a major funder of Indonesia’s transmigration program, but in October 1986 it issued a report strongly critical of aspects of the program’s management, including lack of provision of facilities for transmigrants and lack of attention to the program’s environmental con- sequences. Subsequently, as Suharto increasingly began to ignore the advice of the technocrats in favor of the personal circle surrounding him (see CENDANA GROUP; SUHARTO FAMILY), the bank became more critical of the government’s policies and by mid-1997 was pressing for policy changes, including measures against corruption. It also warned against the growth in external debt and the decline in the growth of nonoil exports. Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the World Bank cut its lending to Indonesia to an average of $400 million per year from about $1.5 billion annually before. In late 2002 it stated that it

YAM • 459 would consider raising this to $1 billion if Jakarta continued to reform its

economy, reduce the budget deficit, and restore economic stability. [0378, 0395]

WRITING SYSTEMS. The fifth-century inscriptions of Kutai and Taru-

manegara, which are the earliest written documents from the archipelago, are in southern Indian Grantha script, but by the eighth century an indigenous adaptation of that script, usually called Kawi, was in use on Java for writing both Sanskrit and old Javanese. Writings, from left to right, were commonly etched onto lontar leaves. Kawi was the basis for several other scripts in the archipelago, notably Balinese, Sundanese, Re- jang, Batak, Lampung, and Madurese. Of the indigenous scripts in the archipelago, only that of Bugis is not based on Javanese but developed directly from Sanskrit. From the 14th century, Malay commonly used Jawi script, an adaptation of Arabic script for Persian.

Evidence is sparse on the level of literacy in precolonial times; Rijklof van Goens in 1648–1654 believed that a majority of Javanese were liter- ate, and the same was said to be true of Bali in the 19th century. The 1920 census showed a literacy rate of 6.83 percent among Javanese men and

0.26 percent among women, and many observers have suggested that precolonial levels could not have been much higher. Anthony Reid, however, suggests that this reflects a decline in literacy from earlier times, pointing out that literacy in the otherwise neglected region of Lampung was recorded at 45 percent and 34 percent for men and women respectively in the 1930 census as a result of the survival of the Lampung script for use in manjau, “a courting game whereby young men and women would gather in the evenings and the youths would fling suggestive quatrains (pantun) written in the old script to the young women they fancied.” The Lampung script had about 14 characters and a few vowel markers and would have been easy to learn. Such literacy would have had immensely strong social incentive and was probably taught at home rather than in school. See also EDUCATION; PAPER; WOMEN AND MEN. [0576]

–Y–

YAM (Dioscorea spp. Dioscoreaceae). A food plant with large starchy roots, it can grow to two meters in length. An important food crop of slash-and-burn peoples in Kalimantan and Papua, it is now being dis- placed by the sweet potato, which is much easier to prepare.

460 • YAMIN, MUHAMMAD YAMIN, MUHAMMAD (1903–1962). Writer and politician from West

Sumatra. He helped to formulate the Youth Oath in 1928, and in the late 1920s he wrote some of the first patriotic poems in Indonesian, especially the collection Indonesia tumpah darahku (Indonesia, land of my birth, 1929). He later prepared a biography of Gajah Mada, prime minister of Majapahit, which marks the start of a nationalist historiography. He graduated in law in Batavia in 1932, joined the Sukarnoist Partai In- donesia (Partindo) in the same year, and in 1937 became one of the founders of the antifascist Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia (Gerindo). He left the party in 1939, when he entered the Volksraad as representative of West Sumatra, participating in it until 1942. As a member of the independence preparation investigation committee (Badan Penyelidik Us- aha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia [BPUPKI]), in 1945 Yamin argued for the inclusion of the Malay Peninsula, northern Borneo, and East Timor in a Greater Indonesia. During the Revolution he supported Tan Malaka’s ideas of a vigorous program of struggle and was arrested in June 1946, being released finally in August 1948. He was close to the Murba but did not join it and served in several cabinets in the 1950s. In 1959 Sukarno chose him as head of the National Planning Council (De- wan Perancang Nasional), and he became one of the leading ideologists of Guided Democracy. [0502]

YANI, AHMAD (1922–1965). Career army officer. He commanded government troops in the suppression of the PRRI/Permesta rebellion on

Sumatra in 1958 and was chief of staff of Komando Operasi Tertinggi

(Koti), the command for the liberation of West Irian (see PAPUA) in 1961. In 1962 Sukarno appointed him army chief of staff in a move to limit the influence of A. H. Nasution; both officers were anticommunist, but Yani was less puritanical and closer in outlook to Sukarno, coining, for instance, the term Nekolim (Neo-Kolonialis, Kolonialis, dan Impe- rialis). Yani strongly opposed plans to arm workers and peasants as a “Fifth Force” and in 1965 was accused of joining a Council of Gener- als planning a coup to forestall a Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) takeover. He was killed in the Gestapu coup attempt of September–Oc- tober 1965. [0714, 0889]

YAP THIAM HIEN (1913–1989). A lawyer and human rights activist, Yap was born in Aceh and educated first in Java, then in the law school in Leiden. A founding member of the Badan Permusyawaratan Ke- warga-Negaraan Indonesia (Baperki), he was a major proponent of the

YOUTH PLEDGE • 461 strengthening of the rule of law in Indonesia. By the time of the 1965

coup, Yap was a notable defender of the rights of all Indonesia’s citizens. He defended Subandrio in the Mahmillub trials. His own arrest in 1968 was turned into a test of the New Order’s commitment to due legal process, and he was released after five days. He was a firm advocate of the full legal equality of Chinese Indonesians and fiercely opposed the adoption of ethnic Indonesian names, seeing this as essentially coercive and prejudicial. He remained closely involved with the Lembaga Ban- tuan Hukum (Legal Aid Institute), founded by Buyung Nasution in 1971, and was involved in nearly every major national project of legal reform or defense of human rights. [0860]

YOGYAKARTA (Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat). City and sultanate in Cen- tral Java, founded after the splitting of Mataram in 1755. Formed after Dutch supremacy on Java was well established, Yogyakarta was never militarily powerful and was weakened by the creation of a minor court, the Pakualaman, within its territory in 1812; by territorial losses following the Java War of 1825–1830; and by economic decline in the 19th century. Perhaps in compensation for this weakness, successive sul- tans (all called Hamengkubuwono) became patrons of Javanese culture, encouraging tradition and innovation to varying degrees.

As a princely territory (Vorstenland), Yogyakarta, like Surakarta, was administratively distinct from the rest of Dutch Java. Nonetheless, its people participated generally in the emergence of Indonesian nationalism in the 20th century. Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX was a strong adherent of the Republic, and Yogyakarta became the seat of its government from shortly after the declaration of independence until the end of the Revo- lution in 1949, with a brief period of Dutch occupation from 18 Decem- ber 1948 to 6 July 1949. Since 1946 Yogyakarta (including the Pakuala- man) has been a special territory (daerah istimewa) of the Republic, with the Yogyakarta sultan as governor and the Pakualam as his deputy. [1390]

YOUTH. See KOMITÉ NASIONAL PEMUDA INDONESIA; PEMUDA; STUDENTS.

YOUTH PLEDGE (Sumpah Pemuda). At the second national Youth Con- gress, held in Batavia in 1928, delegates formally adopted Indonesia as the framework for the struggle against the Dutch, affirming that they were one people (bangsa Indonesia), with one language, Indonesian, and one home- land, Indonesia. See also “INDONESIA RAYA”; NATIONALISM.

462 • ZELFBESTUREN

–Z–

ZELFBESTUREN (“self-governing regions”). Official name for the native states within the Netherlands Indies, which numbered 282 in 1942. All were originally independent or semi-independent states with which the Dutch had concluded political contracts, either the so-called lange poli- tieke contracten , long political contracts that set out in detail an allied or subordinate relationship, or the Korte Verklaring, or short declaration, which simply acknowledged Dutch suzerainty (see NETHERLANDS INDIES, EXPANSION OF). Within all states, the colonial government had extensive powers to intervene, including the free use of land, control of mining, and the right to appoint a ruler’s successor. Until the 20th century the general trend had been for the Dutch to abolish such states as it became convenient. The Zelfbestuursregelen (Self-governing territories reg- ulations) of 1919 and 1927, however, set the notionally “indirect” form of rule on a legal basis within the colonial administrative structure; and under the ontvoogding (detutelization) measures of 1929, a number of states that had been abolished, such as the kingdoms on Bali, were restored. The Re- public’s Law no. 22 of 1948 and the Negara Indonesia Timor (NIT) Law no. 44 of 1950 retained the zelfbesturen as a level of government under the name swapraja or daerah swatantra, but in 1960 these were abolished. See also DECENTRALIZATION. [0472, 0591, 0948]

ZEVEN PROVINCIËN, MUTINY ON THE. On 5 February 1933, Indone- sian and Dutch sailors on the Dutch naval vessel De Zeven Provinciën mu- tinied off Aceh over a 17 percent wage cut introduced by the government to reduce expenditure during the Depression. Dutch aircraft bombed the ship to suppress the mutiny. Though the mutineers protested their political loyalty, the colonial government saw the rising as a product of nationalist agitation and used it to justify greater political restrictions soon after.

ZHENG HE (Cheng Ho) (1371–1435). Chinese eunuch raised as a Muslim. In 1405, after a successful military career in northern China, he was sent by the Yongle Emperor of the Ming dynasty as leader of a major maritime expedition to Southeast Asia. The expedition consisted of 27,000 crew in over 300 vessels; its purposes remain unclear, but they probably included a de- sire to suppress piracy and to establish Chinese hegemony in the region. Zheng He successfully destroyed the fleet of a Chinese pirate based on the

Sumatra coast of the Melaka Strait, near Palembang; seems to have developed close relations with Melaka; and followed the 1405 expedition with six others, but the expeditions seem to have had no long-term significance.

Prabowo Subianto, from his position as head of Komando Pasukan