The Relations of Dwelling Place with the Working Location
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284 6. It is an openly zone access directly.
Originally, the river side settlement occupied by community requiring shelter only away from outside weather and they need it
closed to the location where they worked. In generally, the community live on the river side make their living way informally
and mostly they were as fishermen, they could move easily mobilized with their working such as boats closed to their house
and they need near distance for dwelling. According to Turner 1968, in Hadi Sabari Yunus theory, there are four sorts of
dimension need to pay attention particularly in knowing more the living houses on any urban, they are :
1. Dimension of location relies on the areas very suitable for
dwelling house. This condition pressed more on their income and way of cycles in life. This location closed relation with the
distance for working accessibility to employment. 2.
Dimension of housing related with one’s aspiration to the type of house available. This condition mostly people make
argument to the aspect of controlling the house and usually linked with the income and living cycle.
3. Dimension of cycle of live, deals with one’s stages
commencing to have starting autonomy to life, in wide meaning all living needs one hundred percent supported by
own income.
4. Dimension of income, emphasized on how many one’s
income gained on time unit. According to the argument of Panudju 1999, in making
priority about the house, someone and one family having a lower income tend to put their main priority on the location where they
shall get opportunity to job. It means, without any job for supporting their daily needs, it shall be very difficulty to maintain
their life. While, status of house possession and have land shall the second priority. For the house with quality shall be the last
priority, but the important one on this stage is existing a house for protecting and got relax for their way to maintain life. In the social
housing system, so Jo Santoso 2002 stated out that house for community with a lower income shall be :
1. Near to the working place or to an area potential to get job, at
least worker on informal sector. 2. The quality in physical of dwelling and environment is not
important as far as they still can live and hold to work. 3. The rights and privilege owned on land and building is not
care. The most important for them is never to condemn and do not ask them remove. According to their opinion, a house
is facility. From above description, the relation between the location
of work with the location for residence has many link with economy, social and culture and all it closed each other. The
three factors affecting the community, people not have capability
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285 or live under the poverty line for living on the residence chosen on
the river side, as already mentioned above, from thence the emerging residence of water side mainly on town is as alternative
for living with the economy consideration. The Methodology of Research
Based on the background and formulation of case to this study, identified some variables involved and influencing factors
cause community persistently to dwell on the settlement on river side. The method for collecting the data adopted with conducting
a field survey, carried out there also interview to those community locally, and distribute a questionnaire to have the result more
accurately, while other datas taken from the authority in competency. Further, from each component described out factors
related with, then analyze it by comparing the phenomenon of each factor on the site of study, completed it all with a descriptive
method and analyze it statistically. From this analysis, referred to the phenomenon occurred on community local found on the
location of spontaneous settlement, later found the findings. The result of findings later compared to the framework by theory and
on the cases found on the location of water side settlement. At last, take a conclusion and provide a recommendation from the
study. Survey to the Location
On the middle of this town flowing two river namely Asahan River and Silau River. This location of study lied on fore part
estuary of both river. This settlement as residence including into Kecamatan Tanjungbalai Utara, comprising of Kelurahan Kuala
Silo Bestari, borders with : Northern ward : Kecamatan Sei Tualang Raso
Southern ward : Kecamatan Tanjungbalai Selatan Western ward : Kecamatan Datuk Bandar
Eastern ward
: Kecamatan Sei Kepayang Kab. Asahan. The width region of Kelurahan Kuala Silo Bestari of 0.171
km
2
with total population 15,351 peoplekm
2
, whereas the width region of study per RT total population has 1213 people and total
houses of 223 units.
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286 Figure 1. the location of Study, River side of Asahan
The Result of Study
The result of study, the background of socio economy of community can be formulated as the following :
1. Background of Residents The residents to this settlement comprising of community
group in a lower income, in generally their living way are as fishermen and labor. By the questionnaire distributed from them
obtained the result showed that their expenditures approximately 300,000 rupiahs, and some of residents did not mention their
total income, and in field it can be seen from their living and daily life condition, while the education rate of head-family in generally
hold Junior High School grade.
The characteristics of residents in family on the housing are as a lower economy group with a total members of family
approximately 4 – 6 people such as Father, Mother with 2 – 6
children. Mostly head of family aged in a productive age environment approximately ranged 30
– 60 years. Status of house possession of resident on this settlement region majority
owned by themselves. The result of interview showed in actually that a tendency
to reside maintained on the region on a reason they got forced to live there and they have no sufficient income for removing
although they aware the dangerous.
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287 2. Factors persistent to Live on the Water Side
The residents living on the location have several causes factor. Based on the result of interview and from the result of
questionnaire distributed seemly that mostly community to prefer live on this zone because closing and near to the location of
working as in generally they work as fishermen. Another factor because the community living to this settlement involved noted
having a closed relation between them.
If seen from the year they took residing noted since 1970, they born and grew up on the location locally, it can be taken
conclusion the community living on the Kuala Silo Bestari site had already got adaptation with the environment closely and this
perhaps will influence their perception as residents to the location. Conclusion
Based on the result of study on the location of study, and bases to the result of statistical test can be taken conclusion that
factors cause the community persistently to live on the water settlement on the reasons as the following :
1. Having relation of location to reside with the location where
they work. If connected to their way of living as the resident to the site of study noted that majority 59 their occupation
as fishermen. In generally, the fishermen always to reside on the location to where they work and not far from the river
side for they got easy to put and save their aids tool around their house for their aid tools unable to bring home, such as
boats, and so on. On the location of study, mostly community build their house sticks out body of river in stage
form.
2. Having relation of location for residing with the original site. For the community residing on this location mostly Batak
ethnic group, but they live already longer on the Tanjungbalai Town particularly on Kelurahan Kuala Silo Bestari, seen from
the result of field study through the questionnaire and obtained 50 since they bear and live there for longer.
3. Having relation of location for residing with other family live already on the side, some 17 respondent mentioned
having family more then one and about 50 respondent has one family. Each family either with one family or more than
one family have occupation as fishermen and labor. Accordingly, majority profession of them is closed to
fisherman, and they have any alternative for having any work but fisherman, and mostly them have a lower education rate.
From the result of study by field seen that the community occupying the settlement of water side available on Kelurahan
Kuala Silo Bestari on the side line of Asahan River maintain to live on that settlement refers to their theory adopted on this study.
--
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288
Reference Koentjananingrat,
1982, Kebudayaan,
Mentalitas dan
Pembangunan, Gramedia, Jakarta Santoso, J., Budi PI, Parwoto 2002, Sistem Perumahan Sosial
Di Indonesia, Centre Of Urban Studies Suprijanto, I., 2003 Kerentanan, Kawasan Tepi Air Terhadap
Kenaikan Permukaan Air Laut, Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur Volume 31, No. 1 2003
Turner, J.F., 1968, Cand Fichter, Robert, Freedonm to build, Dweller Controll of The Housing, The Manmillan Company,
New York, Collier Macmillan Limited, December 1972, Doxiadis Constantinos Ekistics: An Introduction to the
science of Human Settlements
Undang-undang Nomor 4 tahun 1982 Tentang Perumahan dan Permukiman
Yunus, H.S. 1994 Teori dan Model Struktur Keruangan Kota, Fakultas Geografi UGM, Yokyakarta
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289
BANDUNG COLONIAL CITY REVISITED, DIVERSITY IN HOUSING NEIGHBORHOOD
Rini Raksadjaya
Architecture Design Research Group School of Architecture, Planning, and Policy Development
Institut Teknologi Bandung
Introduction
Bandung is a city with a history dated from 1400s, located on the fertile soil of Preanger Highland. This was a condition that
attracts the Westerners to come and lived in the abundant wealth of plantation in the southern area of Preanger Highland.
At the time the Dutch came, there was an indigenous settlement with a ‘regent’ bupati as head of society. The
European adventure to Priangan highlands got support when a road was built connecting Jakarta, Bogor, Cianjur and Bandung
as a part of increasing Dutch military defense, the Groote Postweg Great Post Highway. In 1810, the construction of the
Post Highway through Bandung area was completed. The regent was ordered to move his regency seat to a location south of the
highway.
Nearly all colonial towns have one thing in common, that is the segregation between indigenous and colonial settlement.
Colonial cities were created by the exercise of power by some groups over others, to extract an agricultural surplus and provide
services King, 1985. However, settlement segregation in Bandung colonial city was not as distinct as some other colonial
cities as shown in the city expansion and neighborhood development.
In 1906 Bandung got the status of gemeente municipality under the Dutch sovereignty. A view years later, a
development plan for the town was initiated. Along with the development of a railway transportation system, expansion of
Bandung city was planned. Lead by the Stadsvormingcommissie which ir Thomas Karsten, architect and town planner, was one of
the member, the city developed to north-east and north-west area to accommodate a number of neighborhood areas. The new
development plan was based on the principles of the Garden City. The plan for North Bandung was followed with overall
development plan for the city Siregar, 1990. The development of North Bandung was supposed to support the
Netherlands East-Indies government plan to move the capital city
A paper prepared for The Knowledge City International Seminar at the Department of Architecture - University of Sumatera Utara, in November 13-14,
2007
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290 from Batavia to Bandung. The municipality provided ready to to
build parcels to builders that focused to the affluent society. Meanwhile,
increasing activities
attracted people
from surrounding country areas to the city. For them that were related
to the activities of development, but could not afford to buy housing units from the builders, clusters of low-income housing
were built. The clusters of low-income units were strategically located among the new housing development, against the
principles of segregation of the colonial cities, but still did not mean integrating people among different socio-economical
classes.
In 1930, Bandung was planned to accommodate 750,000 inhabitants within 25 years. The initial size of Bandung
gemeente was 900 ha, increased to 8,000 ha in 1949, and became nearly 17,000 ha according to the latest city plan,
accommodating approximately 2,500,000 inhabitants. There are evidence that housing neighborhoods are differentiating
themselves into new forms of segregation. Concentration of affluence housing neighborhoods develop in North Bandung area,
while the less unfortunate are located in clustered housing at the periphery or land areas that have low location value.
Development of Bandung Colonial City Colonial cities
Anthony D. King 1985 defined colonization as follows: “the establishment and maintenance, for an extended time, of the
rule over alien people that is separate and subordinate to the ruling power”. The process extended the boundaries of one
society to incorporate other territory and peoples. By this process, the city, as a cultural artifact, became an instrument of
colonization. A number of typological criteria can be used to understand the social and spatial form of a colonial city
development. One of them is where an indigenous settlement already existed, and the colonist site and accommodation are
incorporated into a new planned settlement King, 1985. This was the situation in the case of Bandung; the motivation for
colonization was the acquisition of land for agriculture. There were indigenous settlements, and the conquest was made by
forced leasing of land and forced labor Kunto, 1986. Towns in the Netherlands East-Indies
Batavia was the first town established by the United East- Indies Company Vereenigde Oost Indische Company
– VOC. It became the center of trade and soon monopolized commerce in
the entire Netherlands East-Indies region. The development of towns was concentrated on the island of Java, due to the large
number of outlying islands spread over a large area, and the state of transportation. Data from 1920 through 1930 showed that there
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291 was a rapid population growth in the towns of Java. Jakarta,
Surabaya, Bandung, and Semarang became towns with population of more than 100,000. Inhabitants of the colonial towns
were grouped according to legal status. The European was considered as citizen number one and lived European housing,
spread in the best location in town. Indigenous inhabitants lived in
traditional settlements, called “kampong”. The Chinese group lived in a Chinese camp, but later on, they were allowed to live
outside the camp. There were other foreign Orientals that were treated like the indigenous or the Chinese. Non-Europeans were
able to request European legal status, and, if it was granted, they were treated like European with similar status Wertheim et al,
1958. Based on these legal status groupings, neighborhoods were clustered spatially, even without clear physical boundaries
between them. The early development of Bandung colonial city
The completion of Post Highway in 1810 through Bandung was a milestone of Dutch colonization on Priangan
region and the city. Priangan then became the most prosperous plantation area in West Java fig.1. In 1880 the rail line
connecting Batavia and Bandung was completed, and promised a shorter trip compared to a car trip.
Fig.1 Bandung 1826 Source: Semerbak Bunga di Bandung Raya 1986
The railroad supported the growth of light industry. Primary processing of raw plantation crops then could be done
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292 efficiently in Bandung. A number of Chinese came to Bandung to
help run the facilities, and services to the new industries. The development of Chinatown dates from this period. The indigenous
houses were scattered mostly south of the Post Highway. The European and other first class citizen houses were built along
streets that ran uphill in the northern part of the city Kunto, 1986; Wertheim et al, 1958 The establishment of Bandung as a
municipality, in 1906, also created early planning activities in the city. In the earlier development, the Dutch army held an important
role in decision making, construction, and maintaining security during construction Kunto, 1986.
A Planned Development of Bandung Colonial City
Image transfo rmation of an ‘Indische stadt’
The Bandung municipality had a centralized power called gemeente. The city was not granted decentralized power
– the stadsgemeente
– until 1926. During the gemeente state, the Dutch government restricted its power only to deal with and
manage the European society and territory. The indigenous society was left under the rule of the regent. The segregation of
power gave a certain character to the physical development of the settlement. European houses were built along streets developed
by the Dutch government and were subject to building codes, as European citizens were subject to Dutch law. This regulation also
affected the non-European that were granted Eurpean status by law. The undeveloped land that was left between the European
houses became the kampong of the indigenous inhabitants Nix, 1949. In 1926, the otonomous rule of regent was abolished, and
the kampong areas were brought under the administration of Dutch municipal services. It was in the same year the
stadsgemeente was granted to the city Siregar, 1990
In line with the increasing power of administration, the municipality started to enhance the environmental quality of the
city, through infrastructure development, kampong improvement, land use planning, and planned city expansion. There was a
rivalry between Batavia and Bandung to be the best city in Netherlands East Indies, particularly when the plan to move the
capital city from Batavia to Bandung could not be implemented Buitenweg, 1976. As the city was growing, the image of Indische
stadt was diminishing. Bandung became a unique blend of European life style, tropical environment that influence building
architecture hand in hand with the flourishing Art Deco style, Chinese business, indigenous pasar and services, and many
other activities. The ‘European-Indonesian’ symbiosis slowly took over spatial seggregation in the city development Buitenweg,
1976; Siregar, 1990.
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293 North Bandung developmet
The municipality established a committee, in charge of the city physical development. In 1917, a development plan for
north Bandung was initiated, that was supposed to support the development of Bandung as the capital city of Netherlands East
Indies. Although the plan of the capital city was not completed, the city expansion was well planned and most of the plan was
implemented. The Uitbreidingsplan Bandoeng-noord
– North Bandung Development Plan
– was based on the Garden City principles; the neighborhoods were not fully self-supporting, but
facilitated by the .old city’. Thomas Karsten, a leading town planner at that time, contributed to Bandung development through
establishment of Bandung city bouwverorderning that became the base of the neighborhood design. A various scale of land lot and
housing blocks were carefully designed, layer by layer, matching the width of streets or boulevards fig.2. The overall plan seemed
to apply a zoning system which was based more on economic levels instead of on ethnicity Siregar, 1990; Voskuil, 1996.
The Gemeentelijk Groundbedrijf – the municipal land
service – had a task to guide the development by means of
municipal land policy that had several practical purposes. The municipality provided non-profit oriented services in order to act
against land speculation practice and increasing land rate, to assure the builders would follow high technical and hygienic
requirements, and to assure a great, beautiful and healthy environment. The main service was to provide a large choice of
ready to build lots in various sizes, locations, and prices, for candidate dwellers and builders. The builders, and also small
contractors, built a limited cluster of housing that were marketed to Europeans active in government service or business, or to
pensioners, and even to indigenous people.
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294
Fig.2 Part of a Neighborhood
The rapid development of the city pulled people from other part of the region. Some worked in jobs related to the
government, or related to the construction in north Bandung, The less fortunate settled down in the kampongs. The development of
the city also pushed emerging indigenous sub-group, e.g. lower class civil servant, clerks, workers in the Railway Company or
other industries. Their jobs were related to the Europeans but their social status was inferior to the European community. They
were also socially dislocated from the kampong lower class society. At the same time, they could not afford to buy houses
built for the Europeans Siregar, 1990; Voskuil, 1996.
The Woningsbedrijf – the Municipal Housing Agency –
built a number of affordable low-income housing clusters, referred as kleinwoningbouw. The housing clusters were inserted in the
interior side the planned neighborhood areas fig.3 4. The agency built hundreds small houses of various type and
construction methods to apply appropriate technology for low-cost housing. A community facility consisting of a public open space
and a row of Chinese small shop houses was located at the center of the inner block. The layout of street and houses,
construction
technologies, buildings
material were
all experimental effort to achieve a physical environment that
integrate in the larger neighborhood and overall city development. The overall layout of the housing cluster or neighborhood created
a tapestry of diverse socio-economical society. Large and medium housing lots were located in the outer layer and
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295 facilitated by a spacious street or boulevard. Smaller lots were in
the inner layer, and a cluster low-income housing inserted in the interior pocket. Diversity in urban housing was implemented in a
colonial city.
Community center open space
Kleinwoningbouw
Fig.3 Kleinwoningbouw in Gempol Area A View from Nowadays Bandung
In 1987 the city administrative boundaries was extended to accommodate the Greater Bandung Plan Bandung Raya. It
was a plan to move higher concentrations of development outside the current city centre.
The development of Bandung Raya is an attempt to relieve population density pressure from the old core. A lot of
housing was built in response to the plan, in a way that separate the larger and medium class housing from small houses. Small
houses were located in urban periphery, mostly south of Bandung. The large and medium size houses were exclusively
clustered and mostly in north of Bandung or closer to city facilities and had higher accessibility.
Housing areas that were built by the colonial Dutch suffer under pressure of new development. A lot of houses were torn
down to give way for a new architectural style or new function. Small houses were demolished and new large houses built for
different social class. What was once an image of diversity that suit the future became the lost past.
From a physical viewpoint, there is not much concern for the older fabric of the built environment. In regard to the historic areas in
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296 Bandung, LSAI The Foundation of Architectural History Society
asserts: These days Bandung Raya is still years ahead, yet the land
has suffered deeply. Commercial activities run amok, God only knows who can take control. The city core is practically
uprooted, old faces are torn down, lot sizes regrouped, and what was idyllic residence is now bustling chain
supermarkets and rich banks.
The Real Estate investors are primary players in the development of urban environment. A new kind of social
segregation is implemented in housing supply. Referring to Abidin Kusno 2000 what happened in the development of Bandung city
is a “dialogue with the colonial past”, in the form of forgetting, that
resulted the reproduction of a form of colonialism itself. References
Buitenweg, Hein 1976, Bandoeng. Servire Katwijk aan Zee King, Anthony D. 1985, Colonial cities: Global pivot of change,
in R.J. Ross and G.J. Tellkamp eds., Colonial Cities. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht
Kunto, Haryoto 1986, Semerbak Bunga di Bandung Raya. Penerbit PT Granesia, Bandung
Kusno, Abidin 2000, Behind the Postcolonial: Architecture, Urban Space and Political Cultures in Indonesia.
Routledge, London and New York. Wertheim, W.F. et all 1958, The Indonesian Town: Studies in
urban sociology. W. van Hoeve Ltd, The Hague Nix, Thomas 1949, In Indonesië en de Stedebouwkundige
Vormgeving: Een studie over de algemene vormgeving in de stedebouw en haar toepassing op de stedebouw in
Indonesië, Uitgevers: Nix, Bandoeng, and de Toorts, Heemstede
Siregar, Siregar.A. 1990, Bandung, the Architecture of a City In Development: Urban analysis of a regional capital as a
contribution to the present debate on Indonesian urbanity and architectural identity, Volume I II, a doctoral thesis,
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Faculteit Toegepaste Wetenschappen, Departement Architectuur, Stedebouw en
Ruimtelijke Ordening, Afdeling Architectuur, Heverlee
Voskuil, Robert P.G.A. et all 1996, Bandoeng, Beeld van een stad. Asia Maior, Purmerend.
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COMMUNITY’S GREEN BEHAVIOR MANAGEMENT TO SUSTAINABLE CITY
Azizah Hanim Nasution
1
, Hendaru Sadyadharma
2
Abstract
The roles of human behavior in their environment and development are potent to decide the direction of sustainable city.
The fact is that the pro-environmental behavior in a community is significantly needed as the key point for achieving this goal. It
also becomes a big challenge for the community to participate.
This paper aims at describing a concept of community’s green behavior as a reflection of their pro-environmental behavior and
participation that can be achieved from the development of knowledge, attitude and practice. This concept is made to
bridging the city residents to be more knowledgeable to manage their own environment to
Keywords: green behavior, sustainable city 1. Introduction
Although mostly people concern about the economic and social growth, recent issues show that the environmental concern
has remain strong in the universe, especially the global warming. People at least understand that global warming deals with the
issue of environment. However, for some, it is only an issue, which is in some respect uncertain and unknown.
In daily activities people will sometimes unconditionally and sometimes purposefully focus on their environmental
consequences. Some are concerned about what they are eating, what they are wearing and what their responsibilities are for the
environment, and some are not. There is, in fact, a strong relationship between life styles and global warming Media
Indonesia, 9 September 2007, p. 21. In other words, life styles can contribute a negative effect to the environment. Therefore,
human’s behavior should be managed in order to lead the direction of the effects to the positive ways. In this case, it is
assumed that the green behavior is crucial as it is reflected in the actions people do in their daily activities.
1
A current PhD student of natural Resources and Environment management, The University of North Sumatra adeanastiyahoo.com
2
A current PhD student of natural Resources and Environment management, The University of North Sumatra hendarusadyadharmayahoo.com
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298 In general, many Indonesian people have not yet
performed such a behavior, including the Medan city residents. The advancement of technology has still been used for life
comfort in the short-term only; there is still a poor realization of its long-term either positive or negative impact such as in the use
of excessive air conditioning. In another case, many people do not know that they can utilize used water, either after taking a
shower or cleansing vegetables or fruits, which in fact, can have a multiplier function. However, the real situation of Medan city
residents’ green behavior should be further examined. This paper aims at examining Medan cit
y residents’ green behavior in order to identify what factors that may contribute. The
examining will be scoped to the residents’ self-evaluation by exploring their knowledge, attitude and practice toward the
environment. It is expected that the results will give a motivation in terms of developing residents’ pro-environmental motivation.