BACKGROUND TACKLING MALNUTRITION IN EAST NUSA TENGGARA NTT:
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THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 187
4.2.2.3 Economic context Malnutrition breeds a poverty cycle by lowering productivity and income in adulthood, in turn
feeding back into the likelihood of malnutrition for the next generation. It is not surprising, therefore, that NTT is one of the poorest regions in Indonesia. Based on data from the NTT
Provincial Bureau of Statistics BPS
31
, the number of poor people in NTT in March 2009 was 1,010,000 people, or 23.31 per cent of the provincial population, far higher than the national
average see the Figure 4.2.3. Poverty was at its most severe during the period 1993-1999 due to the economic crisis affecting Indonesia at that time, and since then the percentage of those living
below the poverty line has been decreasing. The trend took a definite turn for the better after 2006 following a recovery from the removal of fuel subsidies and the ban on rice imports. While the
percentage of the population living below the poverty line in NTT is considerably higher than the national average, the gap has been closing somewhat over time.
32
Figure 4.2.3: Percentage of population below the poverty line, NTT versus Indonesia 1999-2009
Source: BPS - Statistics Indonesia, Statistical Yearbook 2010, based on the National Socio-Economic Survey 2009
In general, there is a considerable disparity between the relative sizes of rural and urban populations living below the poverty line: 25.35 per cent in rural areas versus 14.01 per cent in
urban areas.
33
According to the study by Barlow and Ria 2007
34
, the GDP per capita in NTT varied greatly among districtsmunicipalities, with that in the provincial capital, Kupang, and
several other towns being over three times the average of other districts. In general, areas with the largest poor populations are those with high dependency on subsistence farming activities
such as cultivation of corn and other basic foods for consumption rather than income. These include Sumba Barat, Kupang, Timor Tengah Selatan and Timor Tengah Utara, Lembata and
Manggarai. Development initiatives to relieve poverty and malnutrition should focus on the poorest districts of NTT with the aim of closing this gap.
31 BPS - Statistics Indonesia 2009 Statistical Yearbook 2009 based on the National Socio-Economic Survey, SUSENAS, 2008, BPS: Jakarta
32 Ibid. 33 BPS - Statistics Indonesia 2009, Statistical Yearbook 2009, based on the National Socio-Economic Survey 2008
34 Barlow, C. and Gondowarsiot, R. 2007 Economic development and poverty alleviation in Nusa Tenggara Timur
Percent
45.00 40.00
35.00 30.00
25.00 20.00
15.00 10.00
5.00 0.00
50.00
2000 1999
2001 2002
2003 2004
2005 2006
2007 2008
2009 Indonesia
East Nusa Tenggara 46.73
23.43 18.95
18.40 18.20
17.42 16.66
15.97 17.75
16.58 15.42
14.15 36.52
33.01 30.74
28.63 27.86
28.19 29.34
27.51 25.65
23.31
Figure 4.2.4: Percentage of poor population by district, NTT 2008
Source: BPS - Statistics Indonesia, based on National Socio-Economic Survey 2008
35
4.2.2.4 Human development
Figure 4.2.5: Trends in development indices, NTT 1999-2007
Source: HDI from BPSBAPPENASUNDP, Indonesia Human Development Reports 1999-2007; GEM and GDI from BPS - Statistics Indonesia and The Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, Gender Based Human
Development 1999-2007
35 BPS - Statistics Indonesia 2009 Data dan Informasi Kemiskinan 2008 Buku 2: KabupatenKota based on National Socio-Economic Survey, SUSENAS, 2008
, BPS: Jakarta
Index
70.0 65.0
60.0 55.0
50.0 45.0
40.0 1999
2002 2004
2005 2006
2007 60.4
56.8 56.3
58.6 59.6
61.3 63.1
56.3
46.2 46.4
57.3 59.0
61.0 60.3
62.7 63.6
64.8 65.4
Year
HDI GDI
GEM Kab. Flores Timur
Kab. Nageko Kota Kupang
Kab. Ngada Kab. Sikka
Kab. Bellu Kab. Ende
Kab. Manggarai Barat Kab. Alor
East Nusa Tenggara NTT Kab. Kupang
Kab. Timor Tengah Utara Kab. Manggarai
Kab. Lembata Kab. Timor Tengah Selatan
Kab. Sumba Barat Daya Kab. Rote Ndao
Kab. Sumba Timur Kab. Sumba Barat
Kab. Sumba Tengah 13.2
14.5 14.7
15.5 17.3
19.7 24.9
25.1 25.1
25.7 27.0
27.7 28.6
29.2 33.6
36.5 36.6
37.1 37.9
38.7 0.0
10.0 20.0
30.0 40.0
Percent
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THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 189
In general, human development in NTT is far behind the national average, reflected by the human development index HDI. Between 2000-2007 the HDI of Indonesia has been constantly increasing
to reach a level of 73.4 see Section 2. NTT, however, remains far below the national figure despite increasing from 60.4 in 1999 to 65.8 in 2007 see Figure 4.2.5. Significant improvements
were made in the second half of the 2000s indicating there has been some improvement in life expectancy, education levels mainly at the primary school level and income the contributors to
the HDI. Even so, the HDI disparity among districts in NTT is considerable, with districts in rural areas generally on the lower end see annex 4.2. In 2007, the lowest HDI was attributed to Sumba
Timur district with a score of 58.6, while the highest level achieved was in Kupang municipality, at 75.9 - higher than national HDI. Also shown in Figure 4.2.5, the gender development index
GDI follows a similar pattern, increasing over time but continuing to sit at a level well below the national figure, and with ruralurban and inter-district disparities. The 2007 GEM gender
empowerment measure of NTT is more of a highlight for NTT, currently at 61.0. A strong increase between 2002-2004 in the GEM and consistent increases since then mean that the level reached
by NTT is higher than that of other larger provinces in Java, for instance Central Java where the 2007 GEM stood at 59.7. This accomplishment reflects the fact that in NTT, women’s participation
in the workforce, women’s average wage in non-agriculture sectors, and woman participation in politics and decision-making women as professional workers, high rank officials, and managers
are relatively good. Again the inter-district disparity can be observed with low figures in rural districts - the lowest being Manggarai Barat 46.8.
4.2.2.5 Basic education Annex 4.2 shows the trends in education in NTT. Early childhood education attendance rates
according to the National Socio-Economic Survey have fallen from 10.21 per cent in 2004 to 6.6 per cent in 2007. From a low point in 2002, the primary school level net attendance rate
36
for NTT has experienced some considerable increases from 87.07 per cent in 2002 to 91.72 per cent
in 2008, with attendance rates for girls and boys almost equal, again based on National Socio- Economic Survey data. However this remains below the national average, and since 2005, the
trend has been flat. The relatively low attendance rates have been exacerbated by an increasing rate of early school leaving dropout for primary school - now standing at 3.53 per cent of
students the second highest provincial rate in the entire country. Another concern is the low rate of transition to junior secondary level, 89.61 per cent in 200708, which has fallen in recent years
from 99.4 per cent in 200506. Junior secondary school attendance now sits at 49.7 per cent. This correlates with the timing of the removal of fuel subsidies and the ban on rice imports, as well
as policy changes in education, which are discussed in more detail below. This highlights the need for renewed initiatives to boost enrolment and retention levels to reach the target set in the
MDGs for 2015 - 100 per cent net enrolment rates, in line with Education For All, which should not differentiate on the basis of gender.
While levels of primary school attendance were not that dissimilar to the national average, there was greater disparity between the junior secondary school net attendance rate and the national
average in 2008 49.7 per cent in NTT versus 67 per cent nationally. Again, following steady increases in attendance in the initial years of the 2000s, gains have tailed off in the latter years of
the decade. Girls have slightly higher attendance rates than boys 64.44 per cent versus 61.84 per cent, but this minimal disparity is much smaller than at the beginning of the decade when girls’
36 Since the figures are based on survey data and not actual reported figures from the Department of Education, net attendance rate is used in the place of net enrolment rate as the closest equivalent available.
attendance was 64.16 per cent while boys’ attendance was only 45.55 per cent. Retention rates in NTT are poor, with early school leaving at a rate of 8.24 per cent in 200607, well above the
national average of 3.94 per cent, for junior secondary school.
37
Early school leaving rates have been climbing sharply since 200304 when they were at a low point of 1.65 per cent, even below
the national average of 2.83 at that time.
38
In 200708, repeat rates for NTT were the highest in the country at 1.55 per cent of secondary level students compared to the national figure of 0.42 per
cent, and have been climbing steadily from their low point of 0.35 per cent at the beginning of the decade.
Reasons for early school leaving shed some light on these indicators. In 2006, 84 per cent or 19,023 of early junior secondary school leavers cited economic reasons for leaving school.
39
This was followed by 7 per cent who considered the distance to school too far.
40
The third most common reason cited for leaving school was that the family does not prioritise education 5 per
cent and it is not uncommon for parents to use scholarship money provided for students to satisfy their basic needs.
41
Interviews with staff at the provincial Office of Education also stated that with low incomes, many parents cannot afford to advance their children to higher levels of
education beyond primary school.
42
Other interview respondents indicated that, coupled with these economic challenges, parents struggle to pay extra fees and charges from schools and
the cost of uniforms and books.
43
Finally, many students are expected to help their parents by contributing to household income, by working as newspaper sellers, day labourers on building
sites, farms or plantations, or as domestic staff.
44
With some of the worst performance in education indicators in the country in NTT, enrolment and retention at junior secondary level
should be a priority for development workers to meet education targets in line with the MDGs.
In Section 2 of this report, the social safety net programmes designed to support education for poor students were examined, in particular the Fuel Subsidy Reduction Compensation
Programme PKPS-BBM for the Education Sector, which provided money directly to poor students, and the Schools Operational Assistance programme BOS, Bantuan Operasional
Sekolah which replaced it in 200506, whereby money was provided to the schools to be managed in accordance with requirements determined by the central government. Although
it is impossible to give a definitive reason as to why almost all the education indicators have reversed their generally positive trend into negative after the middle of the decade, it does call
into question the effectiveness of providing money to schools to manage rather than directly to the families of poor students, since the timing of the change of policy correlates with the negative
shifts in the education indicators. Office of education staff identified that in some cases BOS funds are used to pay honorariums to teachers due to limited school budgets, which is outside the BOS
policy.
45
The low fiscal capacity of the district means that the Office relies heavily on the central government’s special budgetary allocation DAK, scholarship funds, and BOS funds.
46
37 Indonesia Ministry of National Education, Statistics of National Education, available at: www.depdiknas.go.idstatistik Last accessed 1 July 2009
38 Ibid. 39 East Nusa Tenggara NTT Provincial Ofice for Education, Youth and Sport 2009 Data collection report on children at secondary
school, within the framework of compulsary of 9 years basic education , Center for Women’s Studies, Cendana University: Kupang, NTT
40 Ibid. 41 Ibid.
42 Interview with Kindergarten and Basic Education Section Staff, NTT Provincial Ofice of Education, Youth and Sport, Kupang 25 November 2005
43 Interview with coordinator of the women’s division, local NGO, Sikka district 19 September 2009 44 Interview with Kindergarten and Basic Education Section Staff, NTT Provincial Ofice of Education, Youth and Sport Ofice, Kupang 25
November 2009 45 Interview with Head of Basic Education Section, Ofice of Education, Youth and Sport, Sikka District, NTT 21 September 2009
46 Ibid.
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THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 191
Education quality is also a problem in NTT. Staff from the Early Education and Primary School Section of the Office of Education in Sikka 21 September 2009 stated, for example, that aside
from the problem of the scarcity of teachers, many teachers in villages do not have adequate education themselves - there are still primary school teachers who only completed junior
secondary school, and junior secondary school teachers who only completed high school. Furthermore, many schools have limited facilities, lacking libraries, for instance. Many villages
do not have electricity, so children rarely study at night.
47
Staff in the Office of Education argued that institutional capacity is also a problem. Given the high rotation levels of civil servants, many
government officials in senior positions in the Office don’t have a background in education to manage the challenges of educational policy and services in NTT.
48
For example, in the Office of Education in Sikka, only three government officials have a background in education.
49
4.2.2.6 Child protection While data on child protection are scarce, annex 4.2 outlines some basic figures on child
marriage, birth registration, neglected children and children living on the streets. The proportion of children aged under 18 years who were married was 19.8 per cent in 2008, and rates have
actually increased since 2000 when the rate was 18.1 per cent, according to National Socio- Economic Survey data. The same data set revealed that only 14.4 per cent of children aged
0-59 months in 2007 had a birth certificate, with this being only marginally more likely for boys, and rates have been decreasing since 2000 when 18.2 per cent of children that age had birth
certificates. Data from the Office of Social Affairs indicate that the number of neglected children has grown substantially to 492,519 in 2009 up from 58,776 in 2008, with 84,376 of these children
aged under five years. The same office puts the number of children living on the streets at 12,397 in 2009 with little change since 2008.
4.2.2.7 The voice of a child in context Mawar is an average adolescent in NTT. Her case is not particularly extreme given the high levels
of poverty discussed above, but her case illustrates the multiple levels of insecurity that children from poor families face in terms of health, nutrition, education and child protection in NTT,
and also underlines the importance of viewing the experience of children holistically. Her case illustrates the challenges of accessing health care despite health insurance programmes, and the
challenges for children to stay in school in the face of poverty, and the ways that children avoid violence in school through absenteeism. Moreover, her story demonstrates how children make
choices in challenging contexts as they strive for improved conditions and well-being.
47 Interview with Kindergarten and Basic Education Section Staff, NTT Provincial Ofice of Education, Youth and Sport, Kupang 25 November 2005
48 Interview with Head of Basic Education Section, Ofice of Education, Youth and Sport, Sikka District, NTT 21 September 2009 49 Ibid.
Box 4.2.1: Mawar’s experience: Multiple insecurity for children in NTT
Mawar is a confident and happy child of Alor ethnicity who is 16 years old. She was born in Kupang municipality. She has one older sister who completed primary school and now
works in Osmo in another district as a domestic servant. Mawar’s parents did not complete primary school. When Mawar was eight years old, her father, who was a fisherman,
drowned after falling from his boat while fishing. Since then, her mother has been a single parent, and she has a small kiosk at Osmo.
When Mawar was four months old, her mother brought her to Rote a rural district where she lived with her extended family grandparents. She studied at a state primary school in
Rote where some people, she says, including children, still often suffer from malnutrition because of drought and famines. “[There is] a scarcity of vegetables, vitamins and meats
in the dry season in Rote,” she explained. “If there is a lack of food to eat, they will only eat rice or sometimes mix it with sap [sugar liquid that is obtained from palm trees]”.
Mawar understands the importance of vegetables, protein and vitamins in people’s diets and thought that the government should help people in areas suffering from famine by
giving them ‘charity’ so that they are able to eat. Recognizing these circumstances, she felt compassion for the life of poor people in Rote village.
Mawar, was unable to sit her primary school exams when she was in Rote. Her grandfather who works as a ‘palm sap seeker’, selling the sap he gets by tapping palm trees, which is
used to make palm sugar could not afford to send Mawar to school anymore.
After moving to Kupang city area, Mawar and her mum have rented a small room of 4 by 4 meter space, with a wooden wall and sheet-metal roofing that costs IDR 90,000 US10
per month to rent. There are no appliances in the room, only a small lamp hanging from the ceiling that is turned on from 5 p.m. until 5 a.m. There is one bed, a wardrobe, a stove,
and a draining-board which holds cups, plates and cutlery all plastic. She observes that people in their neighbourhood are often drinking, stealing, gambling, robbing people and
playing billiards. Her neighbours earn money in diverse ways - some even by using force and violence.
In Kupang, she enrolled at an informal school, through a non-profit organisation, called the Purnama Kasih Foundation. “Mum said the formal school is too costly, so [you] just
have to study at Purnama Kasih.” Mawar finally was able to sit the national examination and completed primary school. She enjoyed it so she decided to undertake Kejar Paket
B equivalent to junior secondary school. Each student has to pay IDR 16,000 US1.60 every month. However, poor households are entitled to free monthly education fees and
this includes Mawar’s family. The school also provides several free study kits for the poor, including text books and note books, but not pencils or pens.
Mawar’s mother now works as a trader at a traditional market Pasar Oeba, though she doesn’t have a permanent stall. Mawar often helps her mum at the market selling
spices. They get the products from a wholesale distributor and then retail them directly to consumers at the roadside. If they are lucky, they will earn profits of around IDR 10,000
US1 per day. Studying at school two or three days a week, Mawar wakes up in the morning before 6 a.m., helps her mother do domestic chores, and goes to the school at 7:30
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THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 193
a.m. by public transport. When she doesn’t go to school, she helps her mother in the stall. On those days, having finished the domestic chores like cooking and cleaning, at 6 a.m.
they walk together to the market. They rest from 12-3 p.m. and return to the market where they work until 5 p.m. At noon they come back home to take a rest and then go back to the
market from 3-5 p.m.
Categorised as poor, Mawar and her mother receive the Direct Cash Transfer BLT, Bantuan Langsung Tunai although payments are haphazard for reasons she doesn’t understand.
They also get Raskin a subsidised rice programme for poor families which provides 10 kilograms of rice per poor household at the price of IDR 1,000 per kilogram, as well as
Jamkesmas free health care provision for the poor. Mawar says that the Jamkesmas is government assistance for the poor when they are sick, for which they use a health-care
card. Mawar says her mother is very often sick. Her body is weak, and so she is susceptible to illness, so she often has the flu, nasal congestion, coughs and fevers. Only when she
is really really sick, do they buy medicine at the little kiosk nearby. They don’t go to the puskesmas as it is too far away.
Mawar often witnesses crime in the market, such as pickpocketing and robbery. She takes steps to prevent these things happening to her by giving all the money she earns to her
mum once her goods are sold. “I don’t want to keep the money and prefer to give it to my mum. I am afraid of losing it,” she says.
Mawar says she often experiences violence at home and at school. Her mum reprimands her and hits her if she makes a mistake. One thing that she still remembers is giving a consumer
the wrong change by mistake that turned a day’s proit into a loss. Her mum hit her across the back, making Mawar cry with pain. “Mum often hits me when she is angry,” she says.
At school, Mawar says that there are two bad-tempered teachers who often hit students as well as tweaking their arms or ears. Mawar’s ear was tweaked roughly when she was not
able to answer the teacher’s questions. Mawar never reports these teachers, but she rarely attends school on Wednesdays because this is when those teachers are scheduled to teach.
Because of her absence, she often receives school warnings: “If you dislike school, we’ll just expel you. Are you not afraid of that?”
Mawar is very keen to continue her studies and move on to senior high school and to be a supermodel. Even though her mum and grandfather once said that Mawar doesn’t need to
go to school, she doesn’t agree with them. “‘You don’t have to go to school, just learn to hold a cooking pot, in the morning, afternoon and at night,’ they said to me. But I think it will
enlighten me, give me advantages and knowledge. School is an education so that we can read, calculate and achieve a better future. That’s the goal.”
Mawar feels blessed by what she has achieved. She’s lucky, she says, because even though she lives a life of scarcity, she survives.
Source: Child interview conducted by PSKK, UGM in NTT, 2009; Mawar is not his real name