EDUCATION PLANNING, DECENTRALISATION AND SPECIAL AUTONOMY: INNOVATIONS AND CHALLENGES

THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 298 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 299 while development planning is supposed to be both ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’, there have been serious problems in setting up participatory institutions designed to reinforce the ‘bottom- up’ aspects of the procedures. The musrenbang musyawarah perencanaan pembangunan, or consultative development planning forums in particular is supposed to be institutionalised as a central mechanism of participatory consultation and deliberation, but the evidence from the fieldwork for this report suggests this is rarely the case. In general, community leaders in the FGD mentioned that lip service is paid to the musrenbang contribution to the formulation of district priorities, strategic plans and annual work-plans, but that effective incorporation of community voices in the policy planning process is lacking - as has been found to be sometimes the case in the other case studies presented in this report. FGD participants perceived that line agencies develop and set the plans to be proposed for inclusion in district budgets with little regard for community views: “There is no budget for musrenbang in villages. The musrenbang conducted in sub-districts should be attended by representatives from musrenbang at the village level, but in reality, those who attend in the sub-district musrenbang were only the village heads. This meant that a lot of programmes incorporated in the musrenbang are the result of line agency priorities, while programmes and priorities emerging from the sub-districts are rejected.” FGD participant, Aceh Timur, 14 September 2009 At district level, similar mishandling of the musrenbang process was reported by FGD participants, indicating that education planning tends to be handed down based on provincial level priorities: “In the district musrenbang, we did not propose education programmes or activities because we were directed to concentrate on infrastructure, social and cultural affairs. Until now the programmes and activities related to education have always been handled by the Provincial Office of Education.” Interview with staff of the Peureulak sub-district office, Aceh Timur, 14 September 2009 Further, the inclusion of women and children in discussions and decision-making has been weak. However, it is important to note that a number of alternative parallel or informal mechanisms of consultation and participation have also emerged in Aceh over the past few years. As mentioned earlier, international organisations and NGOs have been prominent actors in the wake of the tsunami and have played a positive role here in emphasising women’s and children’s participation. One example is the Child Forum initially set up by UNICEF and other NGOs in order to provide space and channels for children’s voices and participation, which was later formalised though its adoption by the Ministry of Social Affairs. These distinct initiatives still fall short of a comprehensive policy, but they represent a step in the right direction. 4.4.7.3 School-based management and communitypractitioner inputs into education practice The political reforms provided for under Decentralisation Law No. 221999 have impacted on the decentralisation of public services, including on education. Law No. 202003 on the National Education System states that management of early education, basic education, and secondary school education is to be implemented based on minimum service standards with the principle of school-based management Article 51. Under this model, schools are given broader autonomy in the management of school affairs with the participation of stakeholders teachers, students, education staff, and community members. This led to the creation of a number of new approaches and institutional arrangements. These include the Education Council Majelis Pendidikan Daerah, which serves as an independent board, comprising community members 461 Minister of Education Decree No. 044U2002 on Education Councils and School Committees; Pollitt, C., Birchall, J. and Putman, K. 1998 Decentralising public service management, Macmillan Press Ltd: London, p7 - There are two types of formal authority under decentralisation: 1. Administrative decentralisation, in which authority is given to a body that is appointed rather than elected, thus it is primarily managerial, administrative or expert rather than political. 2. Political decentralisation, in which the principal recipients of the decentralised authority include elected politicians andor the directly elected representatives of some relevant public. The formation of MPD represents the former, since the members are appointed by the governor, while enhancement of School Committee, which includes a substantial proportion of governors who are elected by parents, represents the latter. 462 Pollitt, C., Birchall, J. and Putman, K. 1998 Decentralising public service management concerned with improving the quality, equity and efficiency of education management at the districtmunicipality level, and school committees 461 . The functions of the Education Council are: 462 1. Promoting community concerns and commitment towards the implementation of quality education. 2. Promoting collaboration with civil society individualsorganization, government, and parliament to implement quality education. 3. Taking stock and assessing community aspirations, ideas and needs related to education. 4. Giving advice and recommendations to local governmentparliament regarding the formulation of education policies and programmes, and setting performance criteria for the local government, education staff teacherstutors and school principals, education facilities, and other related matters. 5. Promoting the participation of parents and communities in education management for increased education quality and more equitable distribution of resources. 6. Conducting evaluations and supervision of the implementation of policies, programmes, processes, and outcomes of education. The school-based management system allows schools to manage their own funds and gives schools the ability to set up programmes that suit their needs and priorities, as identified with the involvement of local stakeholders communities, teachers, principals. The participation of stakeholders is accommodated by the school committees - independent boards made up of elected parent representatives, businesses, and community leaders. Schools officials principals and teachers serve as the executive and work together with the school committee - as the legislative arm of the process - to design school programmes and budget allocation. School funds comprise the BOS fund received from the central government and other block grants from local government, funds from donors and parents, and funds from other sources. Bottom-up planning in education begins with a proposal from the school administrator and school committee, and then proceeds up to the district and provincial government levels. While innovative and improving community participation in education, the school-based management system is facing a series of challenges. First, there are overall budget limitations, which are set to become more problematic as oil and gas revenues, and ultimately Otsus funds, decrease. A number of operational issues have also emerged. On one hand, schools find it difficult to bid for funds from the district government in the time they have been allocated and there are notable problems of communication between schools and the government. Although school-based management is supposed to have been rolled out throughout Aceh, most schools have failed to have their budgets approved by district governments, as indicated by a primary school teacher in Banda Aceh: THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 300 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 301 “We have been trained by UNICEF to design programmes, but there is no response or follow-up from the [local] Office of Education. The money from the education cluster is largely absorbed by the Office. A large proportion of the education funds are still used by the Office, whereas the programmes developed by schools remain underfunded.” FGD, 7 September 2009 Furthermore, difficult relations with local governments were a central preoccupation during the FGD with education practitioners. The participants concluded that overall local governments failed to act in the best interests of the schools, as described by one junior secondary school teacher: “School principal, teachers and school committees are working together to design programmes and school budgets which are then brought to the District Office of Education, then from the Ofice to the District Head, and then to the district government, but the problem is the local council members do not engage with us. They just keep deleting our proposals.” FGD, Banda Aceh, 17 September 2009 These issues were already identified in a 2006 World Bank report, which established that most local governments in Aceh approve their budgets very late, often up to six months into the fiscal year, and the budgets rarely address the needs or priorities highlighted by the education sector. 463 This creates huge obstacles to advance planning: “The fund from districtmunicipal budget is not allocated at the beginning of the year, instead the provincial parliament holds a meeting in June and the routine budget arrives in August by which time the academic calendar has been going for six months. Some schools have to take up loans to keep the school running, but some other schools just wait. When the fund finally arrives, they just use it for new programmes that were not planned before.” interview with staff of the Regional Office of Religious Affairs, Banda Aceh, 7 September 2009 Schools that resort to loans are then charged interest, which further reduces the funds available to schools. The issue of delay is well known and has been discussed in meetings between district governments and parliaments, but so far there has been no resolution, according to some interviewees. 464 This relates to the general weak capacity of districts to handle budget and financial flows, which was recounted by FGD participants and has been identified as a problem since 2006. 465 4.4.7.4 Other challenges under Special Autonomy: Authority, coordination and budget allocations in Aceh On the whole, the Special Autonomy status emphasises the duality of opportunities and challenges. As shown, the budgetary constraints and pressures are not as prominent in Aceh as they are elsewhere in Indonesia, such as in NTT. However, as in Papua, the construction of the institutional architecture underpinning Special Autonomy is a vast, complex and lengthy undertaking. Both provinces also deal with specific but acute challenges; ethnic diversity and cultural differences in Papua, and the post-conflict and post-tsunami context in Aceh. Further findings from the field in Aceh not discussed at length here include a number of similarities with findings from Papua, as follows: 463 World Bank 2006 Aceh public expenditure 464 Interview with a teacher and junior secondary school evaluator, Aceh Timur 17 June 2010 465 World Bank 2006 Aceh public expenditure, p17 1. Difficulties in establishing clear divisions of power and authority between the varying levels of government as required for the implementation of decentralisation which emphasised devolution of power to district levels, followed by the adoption of Special Autonomy status which strengthens provincial authority. 2. Difficulties of coordination among the different layers of governments. 3. Difficulties in setting up effective budget allocation and disbursements. According to staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA, the central, provincial, and district layers of government should complement each other in policymaking, budgeting and programming. One particular example they provided is that of the funding of the Nine Years Compulsory Education Programme. The provincial government allocates budget for increasing the quality and capacity of teachers as well as to rehabilitate schools, while the central government provides supporting funds from the Special Allocation Fund DAK, and the district government funds teachers’ salaries. 466 In practice, however, far from complementing each other, there have been a number of issues when it comes to attributing the specific responsibilities, authority, functions and attributes of each distinct layer of government, and establishing the mechanisms through which they coordinate and function as a whole. There are still many areas of overlap between the central government’s technical departments and provincial and district government line agencies. This is worsened by the fact that the devolution of public service management and service delivery to local governments was not complemented with an effective supporting regulatory framework. As a result, each government tier struggles to define their roles and responsibilities. Staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA describe these complexities in the context of planning budget allocations: “Sometimes overlapping does happen. It is because there is a lack of coordination. For instance, this happens when a programme funded by the national budget is implemented without our knowledge. Sometimes the programmes approved are different to what we proposed, but because we do not hear otherwise, but still put them in our budget. But then, it turns out that the programme is in fact being budgeted by the central government and we have to revise our budget again.” interview with staff of the Provincial BAPPEDA, Banda Aceh, 16 June 2010 To synchronize some of the various budget planning processes, the Aceh Provincial BAPPEDA organises a forum on the Special Autonomy and Oil- and Gas-Derived Funds. The forum takes place once a year prior to the preparation and drafting of the local budget. This forum functions along similar lines to a musrenbang, in that it is a space for deliberation that aims to bring together the development aspirations of provincial and district governments, relevant line agencies and the Development Planning Agencies at each level. In this forum, local governments present their proposals, which have to be based on and refer to qanun regulations. One particular aspect of qanun that is emphasised in these forums is that Special Autonomy and oil- and gas-derived funds cannot be used to finance the government apparatus. The financing of local government apparatus is problematic for new districts created since 2001, as they lack revenue to set up and run new government institutions and they resort to tapping finances not designed for that purpose. 467 According to the staff of the Provincial BAPPEDA, the forum has functioned well and the qanun regulations are now clear enough to form the agreed base upon which conflicts or disagreements about budget proposals can be resolved. 468 466 Interview staff of the Provincial BAPPEDA, Banda Aceh 16 June 2010 467 World Bank 2006 Aceh public expenditure 468 Interview with staff of the Provincial BAPPEDA, Banda Aceh 16 June 2010 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 302 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 303 The process of decentralisation and the granting of Special Autonomy status have led to a proliferation of new districts and local bureaucracies. The districts in Aceh are diverse geographically and economically, each with its own complex political system and its own priorities. In theory, decentralisation should facilitate appropriate responses to local contexts and issues. However, interviewees emphasised that this made the promotion of education policy and programmes that conform to the National and Provincial Medium-Term Development Plans RPJMN and RPJMD extremely dificult, requiring a key coordinating role for the Provincial Governor between different layers of government and across a multitude of districts: “Initially it was very difficult for the provincial government to monitor policy implementation or the development process at the local [districtmunicipality] level. After the law on local autonomy was issued in 2004, which instituted the governor as the representative of the central government, it became easier to control districtsmunicipalities. According to the 2004 Law, local budgets that are proposed by districtsmunicipalities have to be approved by the governor. It didn’t happen before, the governor did not have this power and the local [districtmunicipality] governments submitted their budgets directly to central government, so that the provincial government did not know anything at all.” 469 Interview with staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA, Banda Aceh, 16 June 2010 As in other provincial case studies in this report, effective evidence-based planning is greatly hampered by unreliable and inaccurate data. In Aceh, each office, institution, and agency has its own unit responsible for providing and managing data. Inevitably, some of the data are conflicting and this is particularly problematic for sensitive data on poverty, infrastructure and the numbers of teachers. Because there is no agreement on data and the actual state of affairs across the province, decision-making processes are not based on sound evidence and this weakens the likelihood of informed debates and consensus-building processes about particular aspects of policy. Instead, government actors or stakeholders tend to rely on data that suits their interests and arguments and ultimately the decisions on policy become hugely contested. The debates surrounding schools and the number of schools in the province illustrate these tensions. The position of the Provincial BAPPEDA is clearly that there are no issues with the number of schools in the province and that building school facilities is neither an appropriate nor a fiscally responsible one: “There is a case of a remote village that proposed to build a new school, and at the time we could not access the village…It turned out that there are only several households in the village and the school was a waste. A school was built and then not used. In another case two elementary schools stand next to each other, and in another case yet, a school only had four students. This is a waste. In Aceh the number of primary school buildings is 3,800, while the number of villages is 6,000, so the ratio is almost one school for two villages, schools are everywhere, as a result, the net enrolment rate at the village level is high.” Interview with staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA, Banda Aceh, 10 September 2009 However the views from the FGDs are at odds with that of the staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA. The FGD participants agreed and complained about the lack of infrastructure and availability of schools especially in rural areas FGD, 14 September 2009. As we have seen above, there are issues of distance and transport to schools in rural areas and, as with teachers, the problems relate not so much to overall numbers of schools the data used by staff from the Provincial BAPPEDA staff to justify not building more schools but concern the effective and appropriate distribution of facilities across districts. 470 The lack of appropriate and consistent data in this 469 Ibid. 470 Phone interview with staff of the Provincial BAPPEDA 16 June 2010 case results in conflicting views and understanding of the issue. A member of the Education Task Force in Aceh reported that disagreement on reference data is problematic in education policy and provokes tensions with stakeholders. To resolve this problem, the Education Task Force has undertaken consultancies, consultations, meetings and workshops with the concerned stakeholders and worked on establishing data that can be agreed on and that can be used as a basis and reference for policymaking. 471

4.4.8 SUMMARY CONCLUSION

Aceh’s record of in terms of education and education planning is mixed. On one hand, the impacts of the conflict and the tsunami make it one of the most challenging provinces for improving welfare in Indonesia. At the same time, however, Aceh also has a record of substantial achievements but on a narrow range of indicators. Enrolment figures are high in Aceh and were maintained despite accelerated and renewed violence in the early 2000s, which targeted schools in rural areas, and the tsunami in 2004, which devastated large tracts of Aceh’s coastal areas. Yet as we have seen, this also led to unprecedented intervention from international and national organisations and the government. The proliferation of actors and programmes in Aceh makes it difficult - if not impossible - to effectively discern the causal mechanisms and processes between development outcomes. Certainly unpacking the specific workings of decentralisation and Special Autonomy is something of a challenge. However, it is clear that Aceh has encountered a signiicant degree of success on some indicators, notably those relating to school access and enrolment for both boys and girls. However, the education record in Aceh concerning completion, early school leaving rates and transition rates, and further issues relating to the quality of education, are still problematic. District disparities and specifically ruralurban disparities are one major factor explaining Aceh’s disappointing record with quality of education. Disaggregated data based on other socio-economic indicators, such wealth, were lacking at the district level. It is evident from the discussion in this subsection that there is a lack of coordination, difficult communication between education staff and government, and general power struggles between different layers of government, particularly between the provincial and district levels of government. This is, to a large degree, a function of the Special Autonomy status since the devolution of power to district levels under decentralisation remains much weaker than in other provinces. As with Papua, the Special Autonomy status carries its own set of issues distinct from those present in provinces that have followed the general pattern of decentralisation. Three sets of issues are evident: 1. Difficulties in establishing clear divisions of power and authoritiy between the varying levels of government as required for the implementation of decentralisation which emphasised devolution of power to district levels, followed by the adoption of Special Autonomy status which strengthens provincial authority. 2. Difficulties of coordination among the different layers of government. 3. Difficulties in setting up effective budget allocation and disbursements. 471 Interview with staff of SEDIA, Banda Aceh 1 July 2010 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 304 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 305 As seen in this case study, one of the central discussions regarding education and wider development planning in Aceh relates to budget and budget allocation issues. It is worth reiterating that Aceh had the highest provincial per capita spending on education of the whole of Indonesia in 2006, but there has been a notable failure to let this funding bonanza percolate to school budgets, and schools continue to struggle, particularly in rural areas. As seen, appropriate school budgets are essential to ensure that schools are free of fees and therefore accessible to the poorer sectors of society. Schools are struggling to get their programmes approved and funded by local governments and it is evident that many districts lack the capacity to handle financial flows appropriately. The system of decentralisation effectively provides important innovations but there are limitations. For instance, schools can prioritise how their budgets are allocated, but the limited budget means that in effect there is little flexibility and room for manoeuvre and they often face insurmountable delays in disbursement to get initiatives off the ground. While Special Autonomy and decentralisation have rendered the institutional context uncertain and difficult to navigate on some levels, these are not insurmountable. For instance, the decentralisation process initially had a negative impact on welfare disparities among teachers, but the oil and gas revenues derived from Special Autonomy are now put to good use in order to regulate teacher welfare packages and reduce disparities. On the whole, formal bottom-up development planning through the musrenbang, including on education, is weak and poorly institutionalised in Aceh, and the incorporation of children’s and women’s voices is barely incipient. However, it is important to note that on a number of occasions, the government of Aceh has successfully introduced or adopted mechanisms of consultation, such as in creating the Education Council MPD to ensure that views distinct from those of the Office of Education are considered and incorporated into the planning process. The top-down aspect of education planning, however, appears to be functioning rather well. Education is a clear priority of the government of Aceh and the aims and objectives at the provincial level are in keeping with those at the national level. It is the communication and coordination between schools, districts and provincial governments that needs to be a continued focus in the future.

4.5 CHILDREN LIVING ON THE STREET IN CENTRAL JAVA PROVINCE:

THE CHALLENGES OF CHILD SPECIAL PROTECTION

4.5.1 INTRODUCTION

The previous subsections of Section 4 have examined malnutrition, HIV and AIDS and education in three different contexts in Indonesia, each of which had a specific challenge for improving child welfare. In Aceh, devastation after the tsunami and conflict affected access to education; in Papua, the generalised epidemic of HIV must be understood in the context of high levels of poverty, low education levels, and growing development; and in Nusa Tenggara Timur NTT, problems of poverty, drought, food shortages, low agricultural yields, poor access to health services, and problems of access to water and adequate sanitation have all contributed to malnutrition. Moreover, in some of these contexts, the field research revealed that, to some extent, local cultural practices and behaviours also add to the challenges of improving the situation of women and children. This part of the 2010 SITAN report introduces Central Java Province as a case study of child protection through the lens of one particularly vulnerable group - children living on the streets - and the policy responses to the problem. The first part of this subsection describes in detail the circumstances in which children in Central Java are growing up - notably in terms of poverty levels, human development and wealth distribution, as well as in terms of health, education and population growth. It shows changes and trends over the past decade and highlights urbanrural disparities as potential factors contributing to the migration of children to urban areas. The second part of this chapter discusses the situation of children living on the streets and the innovative policy responses to the problem, as well as further challenges related to the creation of a ‘Child- Friendly City’ in Surakarta following decentralisation. Discussions in this subsection follow on from those pertaining to the national level legal and policy framework presented in Section 3.5 on child special protection in Indonesia. Compared to other provinces, Central Java has a higher standard of living on average, but its large population and high levels of rural poverty mean there are large inter-district and inter-income group disparities in terms of child welfare. Rural poverty in the districts contributes to the migration of children to urban areas, some of whom end up living on the streets. Detailed data on Central Java are provided in annex 4.5. The study of children living on the streets, their vulnerabilities, and the policy responses to the problem highlights a number of issues in child special protection. It is also notable that multi- sectoral responses seeking to improve the welfare of children living on the streets in Central Java and Surakarta in particular under decentralisation have required consistent commitment of the provincial and the municipal governments to prioritising children in policy formulation and budgeting and many other aspects. These responses have included the establishment of an Office of Community Empowerment, Women’s Empowerment, Child Protection and Family Planning, the creation of a new set of services for children living on the streets, and a change in approach from one of punitive treatment for ‘disturbing the social order’ to special protection for some of the country’s most vulnerable children. For the fieldwork, Surakarta and Brebes were chosen to represent an urban and a rural area, respectively. Surakarta is also the pilot location for a Child-Friendly City, which has offered the opportunity to trial a wide range of policies aimed at preventing and assisting children living on the streets, as well as the opportunity to compare how children have fared in this environment versus other cities. This case study is not an exhaustive sectoral review of all aspects of child special protection in the province, but rather it is a case study of the basic aspects of the problems related to children living on the streets and some of the policy responses to these problems under decentralisation. It aims to illustrate both the innovations of local level governments and the challenges faced as the institutional environment strengthens.

4.5.2 GEOGRAPHY AND DEMOGRAPHY

Central Java Province has a large population of Muslims and is located on Java Island, covering some 25 per cent of the island’s total area. It borders with the provinces of East and West Java, and surrounds the Special Region Daerah Istimewa of Yogyakarta. Currently, Central Java Province consists of 29 districts and 6 municipalities and has a population of 33,094,600 people. 472 With a total of approximately 140 million inhabitants, Java is currently not only the most densely populated island in Indonesia but also one of the most densely populated islands in the world. 473 472 Badan Pusat Statistik BPS - Statistics Indonesia August 2010 Trends of the selected socio-economic indicators of Indonesia, August 2010 , BPS: Jakarta, available at: http:www.bps.go.id65tahunBoklet_Agustus_2010.pdf Last accessed 17 March 2011. 473 Ibid. THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 306 THE SITUATION OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN INDONESIA 2000-2010 307 Figure 4.5.1: Central Java map Source: Center for Population and Policy Studies, Gajah Mada University, 2010 Despite a relatively young population on average, Central Java’s overall population growth has been decreasing over the past decade, especially over the last five years. 474 The decrease in population growth is likely linked to the decreasing fertility rate in Central Java since 1987. The total fertility rate TFR currently stands at 2.0, despite an increase from 2.1-2.3 during the period from 2002-2007 according to data from the Indonesian Demographic and Health Surveys IDHS 2002-2003 and 2007. 475 Central Java has a lower TFR than the national average, which is important given the current large population. 476 However, Central Java’s population is relatively young on average, with the largest segments of the population being those in the 20-24 years, 15-19 years, and 0-9 years age groups see Figure 4.5.2. However, the number of children under age ive has been decreasing in Central Java since 2005, likely due to recent decreases in fertility rates. 477 This may have some impact on the distribution of students, as a declining number of pupils will be attending primary schools in the next four years. Furthermore, there are more females compared to males, as discussed later in this subsection in relation to gender equity and development measures. Figure 4.5.2: Projected population pyramid, Central Java 2009 Source: BPS - Statistics Indonesia and UNFPA, based on projections from the 2005 Intercensal Survey BAPPENAS Although Central Java is predominantly rural, more than 42 per cent of its population live in urban environments. 478 Continuously intensifying urbanisation poses certain challenges to urban infrastructure to keep pace with population growth. 479 Furthermore, persisting rural poverty can drive flight from rural to urban areas, including migration of children, who may face a range of problems such as inadequate access to basic health and education services, sanitation and housing, especially if they end up living on the streets.

4.5.3 POVERTY, HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND GENDER EQUITY

Overall poverty levels have declined in Central Java over the past decade. By 2002, poverty had fallen to 23 per cent of the total population from 28.5 per cent of the total population at the height of the financial crisis in 1999. The rate has continued to decrease in recent years, and by 2008 the population living below the poverty line in Central Java was 19.23 per cent of total population, according to data from the National Socio-Economic Survey 2009. However, poverty levels in the province have remained above the national average see Figure 4.5.3. Considerable disparities in poverty levels exist between urban and rural areas. Figure 4.5.4 illustrates that despite overall reduced poverty levels in recent years, a higher percentage of people in rural areas live below the poverty line compared with urban areas. While this gap has been decreasing recently, it is still larger than it was in 1999. In 1999, the difference between the proportion of the population below the poverty line differed by only 1 per cent between rural and urban areas. Soon after that, in 2001, the gap had widened to 18 per cent, but by 2009 the gap had narrowed to 4.5 per cent see Figure 4.5.4. 474 Projection based on BPS - Statistics Indonesia 2009 Report based on the Intercensal Survey SUPAS 2005, BPS: Jakarta 475 BPS - Statistics Indonesia and Macro International 2008 Indonesia Demographic and Health Survey IDHS 2007 and IDHS 2002-2003, BPS and Macro International: Calverton, Maryland 476 Projection based on BPS - Statistics Indonesia 2009 Report based on the Intercensal Survey SUPAS 2005 477 Ibid. 478 Projection based on Intercensal survey 2005, processed by BPS - Statistics Indonesia, Jakarta, 2009 479 Zahnd, M. 2006 Traditional urban quarters in Semarang and Yogyakarta Indonesia; Potential for innovative use of urban design for new quarters in Indonesian cities based on theoretical and traditional aspects, available at: www.urban-is.comdeutchunsere- publikationenfarchartikelposterly.pdf Last accessed 20 June 2010 75+ 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 Male Female