Introduction The Scope of this Study

19 CHAPTER 3 SURVEY OF SCHOLARSHIP ON

3.1 Introduction

has certainly not gone unnoticed in the history of research on biblical Hebrew. The purpose of the following sections is to review and provide a summary of the various descriptions of in these grammars and monographs. These grammars and monographs are not studies of , but their descriptions of are representative of the main ways in which has been analyzed. The three categories: Traditional, Descriptive, and Textlinguistic discussed in the previous chapter are the main divisions here. The approach one takes to Hebrew in general—and to the verbal system in particular—will affect how is described. The focus of the discussion here is the way is presented in the publications considered, with some critical analysis when it is relevant. To review an assortment of introductory grammars, scrutinizing how they deal with , could be perceived as somewhat unfair. Some might correctly argue that an introductory grammar cannot be expected to thoroughly describe every aspect of the language being presented. Writing a grammar for instructional purposes involves an 20 agonizing process of selection, as the author seeks to explain the most pertinent information in an efficient and pedagogically intuitive way. If the discussion of something like does not receive extensive attention in an introductory grammar, that is to be understood. It is not, however, the presence or absence or even the length or brevity of comments regarding that are of interest here; the intention here is to review the comments to discern the analytical perspective employed by the authors. All of this is done with the singular intent of working toward a better understanding of . Any omissions andor misrepresentations are the responsibility of the author of this study.

3.2 The Analysis of

in the Traditional Approach

3.2.1 Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, 1813

The traditional understanding of is well represented by Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, in which he states that the …introduction of independent narratives, or of a new section of the narrative, by means of an imperfect consecutive, likewise aims at a connexion, though again loose and external, with that which has been narrated previously. Such a connexion is especially often established by means of and it came to pass…. GKC 1910, 327 While this analysis recognizes the temporal and narrative function of and its connection to the surrounding context, the descriptive parameters are not well defined. This is exemplified in the following statement: “This loose connexion by means of is especially common, when the narrative or a new section of it begins with any expression of time …” GKC 1910, 327. Unfortunately, “loose connections” by means of and 21 narratives beginning with “any expression of time” are not specific enough to provide a clear picture of what is doing.

3.2.2 Müller, Outlines of Hebrew Syntax, 1883

In Outlines of Hebrew Syntax, Müller describes as follows: But very often, especially when a phrase specifying time occurs in the narrative, in order to preserve the favourite form of diction, there is prefixed to the phrase in question a “And it came to pass”, and the rest is then added on to this according as the connection requires. Müller 1883, 17 Müller’s description of is characteristic of the traditional era, with its reference to as a “favourite form of diction.” This is typical of what Barr refers to in The Semantics of Biblical Language as the “impression of Hebrew being quite extraordinarily unique in its structure” Barr 1983, 291. Müller’s analysis of being merely prefixed to the phrase in question is very similar to GKC’s “loose connection.”

3.2.3 Harper, Elements of Hebrew Syntax, 1892

Harper’s Elements of Hebrew Syntax is also characteristic of the description of in this period: Notice is to be taken of the frequent occurrence of the preparatory formula and it happened, and it was, to introduce adverbial and especially temporal clauses. This usage, while not universal, prevails largely in the earlier books. The following verb may be either Imperfect with Waw Consecutive, a Perfect, or, when the context demands, an Imperfect. Harper 1892, 73 Three things in particular are noteworthy: 1 the reference to as a “preparatory formula” appears to indicate an understanding of as somewhat disconnected from the adjacent elements with which it occurs; 2 the reference to the 22 usage of in the earlier books indicates an awareness of possible diachronic factors in its pattern of usage; and 3 the remarks about the form of the following verb mention the context around , but there is no further delineation of the parameters of usage for these verb forms. The syntactic connection of , certain diachronic considerations, and verb form patterns with are all issues that are discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters.

3.2.4 Weingreen, A Practical Grammar for Classical Hebrew, 1939

Weingreen, in apparent disagreement with GKC, reduces the force of to little more than an unusual connection. GKC stated that established a connection “with that which has been narrated previously,” but Weingreen describes as follows: Often a verse or even a chapter opens with a verb which has the Waw Consecutive, as ‘and it came to pass’; this, rather than implying a continuation with what has preceded, has little more force than ‘now it happened’. In the same way = ‘and it shall come to pass’. Weingreen 1939, 92 It is certainly the case that is found, as Weingreen states, opening “a verse or even a chapter,” but it is unclear why Weingreen dismisses the connection with what has preceded. This matter of ’s connection to what precedes it or to what follows it is a recurring theme throughout the history of its study.

3.2.5 Joüon-Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 1991

The 1991 publication date of Muraoka’s translation and revision of Joüon’s 1923 Grammaire de l’Hébreu biblique is somewhat misleading if it is assumed that a late twentieth-century grammar of biblical Hebrew would employ methods and perspectives 23 contemporary with that time period. Close reading of Joüon-Muraoka reveals many characteristics that place it within the Traditional approach. The retention of Latin translations in the following discussion of is telling: Stative verbs present no particular difficulty; thus , used in the stative sense, is equivalent to and means et erat “it was”, et fuit “it has been”. Used in the active sense, it is equivalent to of action and usually means et ev nit “it happened”, et factum est “it came to pass”; sometimes, by misuse, both eveniebat “it would happen” and fiebat “it would come to pass”. Joüon-Muraoka 1991, 390 The clearest indication of the perspective employed by Joüon and retained by Muraoka is the evaluative term “misuse,” which betrays a more prescriptive view typical of the Traditional era rather than a fully descriptive view of Hebrew as a language on its own terms. In the discussion of the uses of the WAYYIQTOL form, Joüon-Muraoka states that it is sometimes used “with the force of the French imparfait, i.e. frequentative action in the past,” but this “use is irregular and improper” Joüon-Muraoka 1991, 393. With specific reference to , Joüon-Muraoka states that this “improper use is mainly found with ” Joüon-Muraoka 1991, 394. The correct form according to Joüon-Muraoka, for example in Num 10:35 and 2 Sam 15:2, would be . These examples will be discussed later; the point here is that Joüon-Muraoka’s description of as an introductory formula is within a traditional evaluative framework.

3.2.6 Analytical Summary of the Traditional Approach

One of the main concepts typical of the publications reviewed here is the understanding of as an introductory or preparatory formula. Essential elements of 24 more recent approaches are already found in these publications, but consistent with the general approach to language in that time period, the main concern is with presenting representative cases or examples of the grammatical categories in use. Also typical of these publications is the evaluation of as sometimes improper or as an example of misuse.

3.3 The Analysis of

in the Descriptive Approach

3.3.1 Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew, 1971

In his Introduction to Biblical Hebrew, Lambdin discusses , stating that …within a narrative sequence temporal modifiers are very frequently placed before the clause they modify and are introduced by waw- conversive + a form of the verb . In the past tense narrative this is uniformly wayh î … Lambdin 1971, 123 Lambdin’s analysis shares much in common with Gesenius, but reflects a more Descriptive approach. Lambdin lists a variety of syntactic environments in which occurs, but the description pays minimal attention to the functions associated with the various constructions. In Lambdin’s section entitled “Concluding Remarks on Clause Sequences,” there is another comment regarding which indicates an awareness of the need to explore how is connected with the adjacent clauses. Lambdin states: “If a narrative sequence begins with a clause containing the verb or , the real nature of the sequence is not clear until we reach a continuing verb” Lambdin 1971, 279. Awareness of clause sequences is necessary, but unfortunately, Lambdin’s examples are hypothetical. Both 25 examples start with , which is not attested anywhere in biblical Hebrew. Lambdin’s concern in these examples, however, is not in explicating the function of ; his concern is with the form of the verb that follows. For Lambdin, the mere presence of the verb seems to be of more consequence, stating that “the verb in a leading clause requires special consideration” Lambdin 1971, 279. Unfortunately, even though Lambdin demonstrates an awareness of certain syntactic parameters, understanding of as a temporal modifier is not significantly advanced by Lambdin’s analysis.

3.3.2 Andersen, The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, 1974

Andersen’s seminal work, The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, is one of the first studies to employ analytical techniques that are unquestionably motivated by the principles and concerns of Descriptive Linguistics. The title of Andersen’s study is somewhat misleading since his analysis is not at all limited to the sentence as a self- contained unit. The frequent references to clause sequences, paragraphs, rhetorical effects, episode transitions, as well as the section 3.4.2 entitled Discourse Function of Epic Apposition, show the range of issues of concern to Andersen. These concerns are detected in the following statement about : In Hebrew, transition to a new episode in a story is characteristically marked by way h , and it came to pass, followed frequently by an episode-marginal time reference that secures a time connection between successive episodes. Andersen 1974, 63 The use of the word episode indicates that Andersen is looking beyond individual sequences of clauses or sentences to the broader context. Unfortunately, beyond 26 mentioning that there are other options for initiating story-level episodes, nothing more is discussed to more precisely define the use and function of .

3.3.3 Waltke and O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew

Syntax , 1990 In Waltke and O’Connor’s An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax, the treatment of is, for all practical purposes, swallowed up by the discussion of the chapter on Waw + Prefix Conjugation. Very little separate analysis is given to itself, beyond quoting the above-cited material from Lambdin and mentioning that “introduces the books of Joshua, Judges, 1 Samuel, 2 Samuel, Ezekiel, Ruth, Esther, and Nehemiah” Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 554. No further explanation is given. In the introduction, the authors mention the studies of Schneider, Richter, and Talstra which identify as a “macro-syntactic sign” Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 54, but they state that all “these signs are treated in the present grammar in a more traditional framework” Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 55. Their decision to keep the analysis within a Descriptive framework, did not allow their description of biblical Hebrew to benefit from the work of other scholars analyzing from a macro-syntactic or Textlinguistic perspective.

3.3.4 Kelley, Biblical Hebrew: An Introductory Grammar, 1992

Kelley’s Biblical Hebrew: An Introductory Grammar contains very limited reference to . The following comment comes in the section which discusses “Coordinate Relationships Involving a Perfect as the Governing Verb”: 27 The narrative use of imperfects with vav consecutive became so commonplace that they were often used in this sense even without a preceding governing perfect, especially with the imperfect forms of the verb , “he was.” Kelley 1992, 210-11 This comment reveals a perspective which is much more far-reaching than the analysis of . The implications of this comment are that the occurrence of a linguistic entity such as has little or no functional motivation. By some type of developmental process, the frequency of the WAYYIQTOL form is apparently so overpowering that certain verbs begin to be used in new ways. This analysis is based on the assumption that the proper pattern is that the WAYYIQTOL follows a “preceding governing perfect” and indicates either consequence or sequence. This is characteristic of the waw consecutive view which must explain why a WAYYIQTOL , which by definition is sequential, is found without a governing perfect. The use of is only marginally in focus here, since Kelley’s concerns are more related to issues of governing sequences. Understanding of is advanced very little by Kelley’s grammar.

3.3.5 Seow, A Grammar for Biblical Hebrew, 1995

Seow’s comment about in A Grammar for Biblical Hebrew uses terms like “discourse” and “context,” but the use of such terms does not make Seow’s analysis textlinguistic; it remains essentially descriptive despite the use of this terminology. Seow states: In a discourse, context may be provided in a number of ways. A past event is typically introduced by , literally, “and it wascame to pass.” Future events are introduced by , literally, “and it shall be.” Further indication of the context usually follows: a prepositional or adverbial expression giving a specific time e.g., after these things, a reference to 28 some event introduced by even as or when or the like. Seow 1995, 231 One of the ways that this comment differs from the other Descriptive analyses presented up to this point is its statement that typically introduces a past event. This may reflect awareness of some of the early textlinguistic studies, such as the 1982 study of by Bartelmus see 3.4.4 below in which he discusses the function of as an indication of past tense narrative. The specific ways in which is used, however, are not addressed in any more detail beyond the citation above.

3.3.6 Chisholm, From Exegesis to Exposition, 1998

From Exegesis to Exposition is the title of Chisholm’s guide to using biblical Hebrew. This is technically not a grammar, but since its goal is practical instruction in using Hebrew in exegesis, its comments regarding are important to take into consideration. Chisholm states that “[t]he wayyiqtol form , ‘and it so happened,’ often followed by a temporal clause, is frequently used to begin a new narrative or scene” Chisholm 1998, 120. Andersen’s Sentence discusses the use of at the beginning of an episode; Chisholm here refers to being used to begin a new narrative or scene. These are very similar claims and, at first glance, seem to help better define what is doing. The problem, though, is that episodes, new narratives, and scenes can be found that do not begin with . This indicates the need for greater precision in claims regarding the functions of . These claims also show the way in which terms like episode and scene are used without clear definitions. What exactly is an episode? What constitutes the beginning of a new narrative or scene? 29 Chisholm makes one further comment about the use of to introduce a parenthetical note: Occasionally a wayyiqtol form, especially , introduces a parenthetical note in the narrative. For example, 1 Kings 18:3 states that Ahab summoned his palace administrator Obadiah. Verse 5 then records Ahab’s orders to Obadiah. But in between the narrator places a parenthetical note about Obadiah’s loyalty to the Lord v. 4. This parenthesis is introduced by . For another example see 1 Chronicles 11:6, which inserts parenthetical information about Joab’s role in the conquest of Jerusalem. Chisholm 1998, 122-23 This comment is indicative of the broad range of functions that are attributed to in the literature. This is not the place for detailed discussion of this comment, but it seems confusing to claim that can have what appear to be quite contradictory functions. How can both begin a new narrative as well as introduce a parenthetical note? These functions are discussed in Chapter 10, The Discourse-Pragmatic Uses of .

3.3.7 Schertz and Yoder, Seeing the Text: Exegesis for Students of

Greek and Hebrew , 2001 Schertz and Yoder’s Seeing the Text: Exegesis for Students of Greek and Hebrew is similar to Chisholm’s volume in both its purpose and perspective. The authors remark regarding , that the “pattern of followed by a subordinate clause is a very frequent boundary marker in Hebrew narrative” Schertz and Yoder 2001, 77. The question that immediately arises is what type of boundary is marked in this way? Schertz and Yoder also describe as an “example of a transition construction that signals the end of one region and the beginning of another” Schertz and Yoder 2001, 30 76. What is unclear from this description—as well as from the preceding discussion—is whether is signaling the end of what precedes it, signaling the transition to what follows, or both. Once again, without more precisely defining the textual regions in which operates, the function of will continue to elude readers and analysts.

3.3.8 Ross, Introducing Biblical Hebrew, 2001

Introducing Biblical Hebrew by Ross is another in the series of recently published introductory grammars. Regarding , Ross states that [t]emporal clauses are frequently introduced by a form of the verb to be + consecutive. Other temporal indicators like prepositions often accompany this construction, and in the final analysis need not be translated. Ross 2001, 139 Two noteworthy aspects of Ross’s statement require comment here. First of all, it is true that other temporal indicators often accompany , but the specific reference to prepositions is curious. The example Ross uses in this section has in the morning, so presumably this is a reference to prepositions used with temporal expressions. Secondly, Ross states that need not be translated. This recommendation is apparently in the interest of good English style, but needs closer examination. There may indeed be contexts in which it is best to not retain close lexical equivalence for , but this type of statement needs to be qualified. The implications and ramifications of a statement like this need to be carefully evaluated. This will be discussed later in Chapter 10. Ross also discusses the occurrence of with infinitive constructs. As seen in previous analyses, is assigned the function of indicating past time: 31 Infinitive construct does not express time by itself. The time must be determined from context. One way that the time of the clause is expressed is with forms of + consecutive: indicating past time, and future time. Ross 2001, 163 In contrast to some previous grammars, Ross makes no mention in these comments about ’s connection to the preceding or following narrative. Of primary concern to Ross, it appears, is the function as temporal indicator. This actually goes hand in hand with the recommendation to leave these forms of untranslated. If and are doing nothing more than indicating past and future time respectively, why should they be translated? It is interesting to notice that in the current analytical milieu which tends to favor analysis of the Hebrew verbal system in terms of aspectual distinctions rather than tense, that the mere and forms of are so unambiguously assigned the function of indicating tense. It is true that infinitive constructs do not indicate tense on their own, but is indicating tense really the function that and perform when they occur with infinitive constructs? Further discussion of this question is found in Chapter 10.

3.3.9 Pratico and Van Pelt, Basics of Biblical Hebrew, 2001

Pratico and Van Pelt’s Basics of Biblical Hebrew is the last grammar to be considered in this section on descriptive approaches. The authors discuss as follows: Instead of a Perfect verbal form, the past tense narrative sequence may also begin with the temporal modifier followed by Imperfect verbs with Waw Conversive. The form is the Qal Imperfect 3ms form of to be with Waw Conversive. It is called a “temporal modifier” because it marks the beginning of a past tense narrative sequence. This temporal modifier frequently stands at the beginning of the sequence. Pratico and Van Pelt 2001, 196 32 The specific function attributed to is again that of temporal modifier, indicating past tense. It is evident in this comment that Pratico and Van Pelt are also concerned with what follows as seen in their remarks regarding narrative sequence. The frequent use of with temporal clauses is also discussed in this grammar: The form may also appear at the beginning of a temporal clause within the sequence. When beginning a temporal clause, is frequently followed by a preposition or conjunction like or and the whole construction may be translated as “and when.” Words that designate time are commonly a part of this type of construction. Pratico and Van Pelt 2001, 196 As temporal modifiers, in Pratico and Van Pelt’s view, and are best left untranslated, as seen in the following comment: Because of their frequency in certain contexts, the temporal modifiers and are best not translated in most occurrences, though you can still translate the conjunction as “and.” Some will suggest, however, that be translated “and it came to pass that” and that be translated “and it will be that.” Given the frequency with which these temporal modifiers will sometimes appear in a narrative sequence, however, it is often best to avoid these translations in the interest of good English style. Pratico and Van Pelt 2001, 202 In the interest of good English style, few would argue for always retaining the “and it came to pass that” and the “and it will be that” renderings mentioned here. 1 However, should good English style be the determining factor in translation decisions like this? According to Pratico and Van Pelt, and are best not translated because of their “frequency in certain contexts.” Should the frequency of an item like this play a decisive role in translation practice? The intention here is not to argue for the “and 1 The NASB is a notable exception to this statement. 33 it came to pass that” translation value, but rather to critically evaluate the implications and ramifications of such a recommendation. As stated previously, this will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 10.

3.3.10 Analytical Summary of the Descriptive Approach

In the descriptive grammars and publications reviewed here, there is evidence of greater attention being paid to the syntactic environments in which occurs. There is also an inevitable shift in terminology used to describe —the term episode is an example. Additionally, there is an increasing awareness of the role seems to play not only in past-tense narrative, but also the role appears to have in the interclausal temporal organization of the text. There are indications of broadening contextual awareness, which is in line with trends occurring in linguistic analysis in general, but many helpful concepts from discourse analysis or Textlinguistics are not incorporated in these publications.

3.4 The Analysis of

in the Textlinguistic Approach

3.4.1 Preliminary Comments

This section reviews grammars and publications that employ analytical principles and methods that are textlinguistic in nature. There may be considerable conceptual overlap between certain descriptive grammars reviewed in the previous section and some publications in this section; the dates of publication show that there is definite chronological overlap. The categorization of these grammars has been done on the basis of what are perceived to be the guiding principles that underlie the authors’ description of 34 biblical Hebrew. Certain essentially descriptive grammars may employ terminology used in textlinguistic studies, just as a grammar that is fundamentally textlinguistic may have terms and descriptions that are, for all practical purposes, identical to those found in descriptive texts. The difference—and this is one of the most crucial issues at stake in the present study of —lies at the level of presuppositions and basic perceptions of language itself. This point will be argued in greater detail in Chapter 5, General Theoretical Framework.

3.4.2 Schneider, Grammatik des biblischen Hebräisch, 1974

Schneider’s Grammatik des biblischen Hebräisch advanced the analysis of by implementing a textlinguistic perspective in the consideration of the variety of syntactic environments in which it occurs. Referring to Schneider’s work, Talstra claims that [t]his grammar is completely new indeed in its syntax because it aims at a description of biblical Hebrew not on the basis of sentences, but on the basis of texts. Talstra 1978, 169 The consideration of the broader context is one of the hallmarks of a textlinguistic approach. The focus on text and context involves more than a description of occurrences; it explores both form and function. Talstra insightfully comments on Schneider’s perspective, stating that the concern is not merely the grammatical description of a particular linguistic item, but “the effect of its use in a particular text” Talstra 1978, 169. 35 Schneider discusses the close connection in narrative of “introductory” with temporal indicators Schneider 1974, 252 2 and discusses the function of as a macro- syntactic sign: “Macro-syntactic signs are words, particles, and expressions, in spoken language, which function to indicate the large divisions of texts” Schneider 1974, 261 [my translation]. 3 As a “transition signal” Schneider 1974, 265 [my translation] 4 occurs, according to Schneider, at the “points of transition from the introduction to the main part or before main events, which are particularly highlighted as such” Schneider 1974, 265-66 [my translation]. 5 As an indicator of tense, Schneider states that “occurs at the beginning of narrative sections. It is not linked to what precedes it, but rather it marks the following text as narrative.” Schneider 1974, 265 [my translation]. 6 Many of the issues discussed in later research are already found here in Schneider’s seminal contribution to the study of biblical Hebrew. His grammar makes claims regarding the functions of that will 2 “In erzählendem Kontext steht fast immer nach einleitendem eine Zeitbestimmung” Schneider 1974, 252. 3 “Makrosyntaktische Zeichen sind Wörter, Partikeln und Wendungen, die in der gesprochenen Sprache dazu dienen, die Großgliederung von Texten zu markieren” Schneider 1974, 261. 4 “Übergangssignal” Schneider 1974, 265. 5 “Als Übergangssignal steht an Gelenkstellen der Erzählung: beim Übergang der Einleitung zum Hauptteil oder vor Hauptereignissen, die dadurch als solche besonders herausgehoben werden” Schneider 1974, 265-66. 6 “Als Tempuszeichen steht am Anfang von Erzählungen oder Erzähl-Abschnitten. Es verknüpft nicht nach rückwärts, sondern signalisiert den folgenden Text als Erzählung” Schneider 1974, 265. 36 be evaluated in subsequent sections of the present study. However, as will be seen in the continuing review of other publications, some of the claims made by other authors seem to state the exact opposite of what Schneider claimed.

3.4.3 Richter, Grundlagen einer althebräischen Grammatik, 1980

In 1980 in Grundlagen einer althebräischen Grammatik, Richter analyzed as a “Text-Deiktikon” along with , 5 , and Richter 1980, 205. The identification of the “text-deictic” function of was a step in the direction of later studies that would further explore the functions of this enigmatic word at the level of the text. Unfortunately, Richter does not develop his analysis much beyond this definition. It is also important to notice the explicit distinction stated by Richter: “The connector words wa=y hiy and w =hay have a ‘text-deictic’ function when they are not functioning as verbs” Richter 1980, 206 [my translation]. 7 The basic distinction made here between the “text-deictic” function and the function as verb is significant. This raises the following question, however: Can as verb also have a textual function? Discussion of this question will come in Chapter 10. 7 “Text-deiktische Funktion haben ferner die Wörterverbindungen, wa=y hiy and w =hay wenn sie nicht als Verb fungieren” Richter 1980, 206. 37

3.4.4 Bartelmus, HYH. Bedeutung und Funktion eines hebräischen

»Allerweltswortes« , 1982 In HYH. Bedeutung und Funktion eines hebräischen »Allerweltswortes«, the study of Bartelmus, the function of is identified as “Tempussignal” 8 Bartelmus 1982, 211-12. In this analysis, is essentially reduced to performing nothing more than indicating past tense in the narrative. It may, in fact, be the influence of a study like this one by Bartelmus that brought the “past tense indicator” function of into some of the descriptive grammars reviewed in the previous section.

3.4.5 Longacre, Joseph: A Story of Divine Providence: A Text

Theoretical and Textlinguistic Analysis of Genesis 37 and 39-48 , 1989 In Joseph: A Story of Divine Providence: A Text Theoretical and Textlinguistic Analysis of Genesis 37 and 39-48, Longacre proposes, as he says in his own words, “the author’s own textlinguistic methodology and the theory that underlies it” Longacre 1989, x. Longacre’s Joseph is the most explicitly theoretical implementation of textlinguistic analysis reviewed up to this point. Longacre’s analysis is based on perspectives and procedures that he has developed during decades of textlinguistic analysis of countless non-Indo-European languages in the world. 8 “Das in diesem Zusammenhang stets nur als Tempussignal verwendet ist” Bartelmus 1982, 211-12. 38 Concerning , Longacre states that, “[i]n general, + a temporal phrase marks an episode break in Hebrew narrative prose” Longacre 1989, 26. In the hierarchical structure posited by Longacre, the episode is a major division larger than a paragraph and part of the structure of the whole discourse or narrative. Longacre is here claiming that one of the primary functions of with a temporal phrase is to indicate the break between major parts of a biblical Hebrew narrative. Regarding this function with temporal phrases, Longacre also comments that [v]ery frequently this construction functions as a backreference to previous material. In fact, such a reference is often found even in the rare instances where a temporal expression is not preceded by . Longacre 1989, 70 For Longacre, the connection of + temporal expression is apparently with what precedes as well as with what follows. The exact meaning of “very frequently” is not clear, but one gets the impression that this is a basic function of this construction. The reference to the “rare instances where a temporal expression is not preceded by ” begs for further examination. Presumably, the backreferencing function is still perceived with the temporal expression itself, but not the function of signaling an episode break. One of the concerns of Longacre’s approach to the study of narrative is the detection of the profile of a discourse Longacre, 1996, 2. Another “crucial consideration is the fact that most discourses formally mark often by a variety of devices a discourse peak” Longacre, 1996, 2. Longacre defines peak as “a zone of turbulence in regard to the flow of the discourse in its preceding and following parts” Longacre, 1996, 38, 39 which reflects heightened action in the narrative, often marked by certain features or clusters of features. This, in extremely brief form, is the theoretical concept that is behind the identification of Gen 41 as a peak episode: This peak episode chap. 41 begins with an episode marker that indicates a considerable lapse of time: , ‘and it came to pass at the end of two full years’. There follows an unusual use of the waw-conjunctive with the noun Pharaoh: ‘and Pharaoh was dreaming’. … Thus, the new embedded narrative establishes its new time horizon and its new central participant. Longacre 1989, 27 Thus, it is clear that Longacre attributes a significant function to —at least with temporal expressions—but it is also evident from the reference to the “waw- conjunctive with the noun Pharaoh” that + temporal expression is not the only device that indicates peak in Longacre’s analysis. There is, however, no further detail regarding the possible variations or nuances with different temporal expressions. One of the other characteristics of Longacre’s approach is the discussion of verb rank Longacre 1989, 64-82 and the closely related discussion of the backbone or mainline of a discourse. Longacre states that “the storyline or the backbone of a discourse in Biblical Hebrew is conveyed by use of clauses that begin with a waw- consecutive verb” Longacre 1989, 65. Waw-consecutive verbs, or preterites, occupy the primary rank—they are the “verbal clauses par excellence” Longacre 1989, 80. Curiously, though—and this will figure into subsequent discussion regarding the functions of —is the following statement by Longacre that “[t]he verb , ‘be’, even in its preterite form , ‘and it happened’, does not function on the storyline of a narrative” Longacre 1989, 80. As will be seen in the continuing review of other 40 publications, certain scholars claim, in contrast to Longacre, that does indeed have the same “mainlining” function of other preterites or WAYYIQTOL s.

3.4.6 Niccacci, The Syntax of the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, 1990

Niccacci’s 1990 study, The Syntax of the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, also identifies text-level functions of , discussing its macrosyntactic function as “connecting circumstances and events with the main narrative thread” Niccacci 1990, 159. This study considers several macro-syntactic signs: Besides these typical verb forms, in narrative and discourse there are certain textual pointers, called ‘macro-syntactic signs’. These are elements which mark the relationships among segments of the text. The main indicator of narrative is wayehi; wehinneh chiefly marks discourse but also functions in narrative, while we‘atta is exclusive to discourse. Mention should also be made here of wehaya, an important macrosyntactic marker in discourse which also occurs in the comment-sections of narrative. Niccacci 1990, 33 According to Niccacci, then, the main indicator of narrative is . As he states elsewhere in Syntax of the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, “wayehi is the supreme ‘macro-syntactic sign’ of narrative. This means that its presence is enough to mark the passage as narrative” Niccacci 1990, 48. The implications of this claim need to be carefully evaluated. In one sense, it seems more like a hyperbolic remark than a serious claim that identifies the surrounding text in which it occurs as narrative. What about other texts that seemingly exhibit the normal characteristics of narrative, but where does not occur? Is this function as “macro-syntactic sign” meant as a type of genre signal like “once upon a time”? Niccacci’s discussion of this function of cites Judg 11:1-5 as an example text; occurs in both 11:4 and 11:5 and Niccacci comments that “the 41 two wayehi’s mark off the passage as narrative and at the same time indicate the two basic components of the account: the war and Jephthah’s role in it” Niccacci 1990, 49. The second part of this statement reflects Niccacci’s claim that “[t]he textual function of wayehi is to introduce a new element into the main narrative thread so that that element becomes an integral and important part of the account” Niccacci 1990, 48. These are significant claims that require further exploration. With a slightly different slant on the functions of , Niccacci comments in Lettura Sintattica della Prosa Ebraico-Biblica, that ’s function is to “create continuity throughout a text, so that the narration moves ahead at a regular pace” 9 Niccacci 1991, 252 [my translation]. Similarly in Lettura Sintattica, Niccacci comments that ’s “function is to ensure cohesion throughout the various parts of a text, to promote the ‘textuality’ of the text” 10 Niccacci 1991, 17 [my translation]. These functions are related to those found in his Syntax, but the discussion of cohesion and “textuality” moves beyond a mere label like “macro-syntactic sign” and identifies possible “effect[s] of its use in a particular text” Talstra 1978, 169. These claims will be brought back into the discussion at a later point. 9 “Il fatto che sia un mezzo sintattico che crea continuità all’interno di un testo, comporta che la narrazione conserva un ritmo constante” Niccacci 1991, 252. 10 “Di conseguenza, la sua funzione a livello linguistico è assicurare la connessione tra le varie parti del testo, promuovere la “testualità” del testo” Niccacci 1991, 17. 42

3.4.7 Eskhult, Studies in Verbal Aspect and Narrative Technique in

Biblical Hebrew Prose , 1990 Eskhult’s study of narrative explores textlinguistic functions, implementing an aspectual model of the Hebrew verb. This is exemplified in the following statement regarding : In the prefixed form hyh may assume an ingressive-punctual sense, as for instance in Gn 39:2…. In the first clause, thus, is ingressive- punctual: ‘became’; but in the second clause merely corresponds to + ‘and was’. See Joüon, Grammaire, §111 i. Eskhult 1990, 27 This statement may reflect a heightened awareness of context and its effect on linguistic elements like , but is aspect inherent in the verb form or is it the effect of context? More precise criteria are needed to work toward an answer to this crucial question. Eskhult also discusses the use of and its impact on clause syntax: The use of introductory ‘and it came about’ is an often employed device in classical Hebrew narration to prevent another clause constituent than the verb from occupying initial position. In this way a two-clause sentence arises: + adverbial element, followed by a connective clause introduced by wayyiq ol. Eskhult 1990, 30 This comment reflects awareness of the clause-initial position having a special role in biblical Hebrew. The function attributed to —that of preventing some non- verbal constituent from occupying the initial position—is peculiar. This statement makes it sound like the only reason is used is to keep a non-verbal element out. This comment clearly underscores the need for more clearly defining the syntactic role of in the clause. 43

3.4.8 Talstra, “A Hierarchy of Clauses in Biblical Hebrew Narrative”

Talstra’s textlinguistic perspective is clearly seen in the following comment that “[o]nly patterns of clause type sequences in actual texts determine their full grammatical function” Talstra 1997a, 127. Also, in Talstra’s workshop article in Narrative Syntax, he makes the following statement with specific reference to : Verse 16 starts with + time reference, marking a new paragraph, but before the narrative continues with acts and dialogues, another introduces a subparagraph, marked at the beginning and at the end by a + nominal clause or participle clause. This indicates that a picture is being introduced rather than a narrative. Talstra 1997b, 129 In Part 1 of Talstra’s review of Schneider’s grammar, other comments regarding the function of are made: “wyhy characterizes the following text as a story, or emphasizes the main points of a story.” Also, “wyhy is not only used to mark the main segments of a narrative Schneider, p. 265, but also to distinguish the main story from the embedded stories” Talstra 1978, 173. It is evident that is assigned a special role in narrative: the introduction of paragraphs and sub-paragraphs. Talstra also claims that plays a significant role in indicating the relative importance or salience of certain parts of the narrative. These claims need further verification, which is one of the goals of the analysis presented in subsequent chapters of the present study. 44

3.4.9 Winther-Nielsen, A Functional Discourse Grammar of Joshua. A

Computer-assisted Rhetorical Structure Analysis , 1995 Winther-Nielsen’s study of Joshua implements a combination of concepts and principles from Longacre and Talstra, as well as from Rhetorical Structure Analysis Mann and Thompson 1987. Winther-Nielsen states that [p]articles like ‘and-it was’ N, [sic] ‘and-now’ D, and ‘and-it-will be’ and ‘and-look’ ND are treated as “macro-syntactic signs” Niccacci 1990: § 12 33, or discourse markers. Winther-Nielsen 1995, 71 This comment shows the influence of Richter and Schneider on Winther-Nielsen in identifying as a discourse marker. Later on, Winther-Nielsen summarizes the different roles can play: Often the discourse marker opens this wayyiqtol-w -… qatal sequence. Part of the problem with is to distinguish its pragmatic use from predicate functions like l ‘and it became a slave laborer’ 16:10c Eskhult 1990:30. The can both open a new major unit in the story and link otherwise unrelated minor subdivisions as either episode or sub-episode marker. The discourse marker is often followed by a temporal adverbial adjunct as in … ‘and it happened after many days after that Yahweh had given peace…’ 23:1a. The can be followed by a one-member adverbial clause like ‘when-come- she’ 15:18a, is sometimes followed by two infinitives cf. 3:14 and may cluster at peaks 6:15-16 The can occur in narrative embedded within direct speech 2:5a. Winther-Nielsen 1995, 286 Winther-Nielsen’s statement that part of the problem is to distinguish its pragmatic use from its predicate functions highlights the complexities of ’s occurrences and uses. The statement that “can both open a new major unit in the story and link otherwise unrelated minor subdivisions as either episode or sub-episode 45 marker” is more helpful than merely using the term “discourse marker,” but at the same time, it does not help the reader know when has which function. The additional comments about adverbial clauses being followed by infinitives, etc. help further specify how and where is used, but the function in these environments is still unclear. To clearly understand the uses and functions of , greater precision is needed.

3.4.10 Exter Blokland, In Search of Text Syntax, 1995

In Exter Blokland’s In Search of Text Syntax, most of the remarks referring to are found in the author’s review of Longacre’s model. Exter Blokland, citing Longacre 1996, 30, comments that , with or without temporal expression, seems at times to play a role in marking peak. About Gen 37:23 where with temporal expression marks a discourse level break, Longacre says: ‘Such an introduction of an episode in this more explicit fashion may serve here to prepare the reader for a crescendo of activity’. Exter Blokland 1995, 49 Exter Blokland’s comment is yet another acknowledgement of the perceived role of in signaling a transition point in biblical Hebrew narrative. The citation from Longacre raises certain questions, however: 1 Does the expression “more explicit fashion” indicate that there are less explicit ways to introduce an episode? 2 What type of episodes are introduced by + temporal expression? 3 If the “crescendo of activity” mentioned here is a feature of peak, what type of peak is this and what are the implications for the overall flow and organization of the narrative? Exter Blokland further comments on the association of with peak: In other instances, in which is in some way associated with peak … the expression lends a certain elaborateness to the passage in question, and 46 elaborateness, in any case, is a general characteristic that describes most features of peak. But since occurs so often in environments that are not associated with peak or climax, one need only look at those instances where stands at the beginning of main episodes in the Joseph story – additional data are needed to identify the cases in which the expression functions as a peak feature. Exter Blokland 1995, 49 Two comments are in order here. First of all, it is questionable whether gives the “elaborateness” to the passage described here by Exter Blokland. This is not to deny that may have certain unique functions, but a term like “elaborateness” needs to be more precisely defined. Often the perception of elaborateness is the result of the outsider’s perspective on what is very commonplace to the language user. At the same time, however, it is certainly true that the speaker or writer is usually unaware of the structural or functional complexity of seemingly mundane expressions. The issue here is that “elaborateness” is too vaguely defined. The second part of this comment also calls for further scrutiny. The function attributed to of marking peak is not necessarily contradicted by its occurrences “so often in environments that are not associated with peak or climax,” but the non-peak occurrences definitely need to shape the way ’s function is defined. What exactly is ’s role if it does indeed occur in both peak and non-peak? Exter Blokland’s solution is found in the following citation: We have seen … that episode boundaries can be marked by, e.g., . But not all episodes are marked by such a “grammatical” or text-syntactical marker, and even if they were, one would still be faced with the question, whether an episode is embedded or not. The main divisions of our text will have to be determined on the basis of subject matter. Exter Blokland 1995, 65 47 For Exter Blokland, the fact that some episodes are not introduced by a text- syntactical marker like + temporal expression, leads to the conclusion that subject matter or content determines the episode boundaries. This seriously argues against being assigned any unique function in marking episode boundaries. If content is really the final arbiter of episode boundaries, the occurrence of becomes quite inconsequential in terms of marking that boundary. The issue that faces the textlinguist at this point is to investigate what has motivated in some episode boundaries and not in others. This requires further analysis and will be commented on in Chapter 10.

3.4.11 Endo, The Verbal System of Classical Hebrew in the Joseph Story:

An Approach from Discourse Analysis, 1996 Endo’s study also deals with the function of in marking episodes or segments of a text. The influence of Talstra, Schneider, and Niccacci is clear in the following comment by Endo: Talstra notes that also is used to mark the main segments of a narrative, but also to distinguish the main story from the “embedded stories.” Or, as Schneider and Niccacci explain, this verbal form may function as a “macro-syntactic sign” i.e. a marker of the relationships among segments of the text.. Endo 1996, 175-76 11 In 3.4.8 Talstra was cited as having commented that distinguishes the main story from the embedded stories. In similar fashion, Endo comments as follows: Thus, the difference between the ordinary unmarked conditionaltemporal sentence and the or construction may involve the following two 11 Endo cites Talstra 1978, 173; Schneider 1974, 265-66; and Niccacci 1990, 33, 48- 60. 48 points: Firstly, in the latter case, because of this cleft construction, both thematic and focal prominence are given to the temporal circumstance. In this sense the function of this construction differs also from that of the simple temporal clause with the temporal particle where the temporal clause simply functions as a subordinate clause. Endo 1996, 178 Endo’s use of the terms thematic and focal prominence is evidence of influence from certain conceptual trends within Linguistics, but the terms are used without clearly defining what thematic or focal prominence means. The term emphasis Muraoka 1983 resonates at an intuitive level—it is easy to sense or recognize that a text consists of information that varies in its relative prominence—but it is very difficult to precisely define how emphasis or prominence actually functions in communication. Notice the following comment by Endo: Secondly, when the impersonal verb as a sequential form with the inherent meaning such as “happen” or “become” is combined with a temporal circumstance especially with the particle, it emphasizes the temporal setting of the incident with various senses depending on the following particle. Endo 1996, 179 The function of emphasizing the temporal setting is identified by Endo as a function of , but this raises the question of what this emphasis means or indicates to the listener or reader. Also, what are the implications for the temporal clauses that do not include ? These issues will be dealt with in Chapter 10.

3.4.12 Hatav, The Semantics of Aspect and Modality, 1997

Hatav’s The Semantics of Aspect and Modality also considers the function of , stating that [t]he word wayhi: and its modal parallel wha:ya: function in the Bible in two different ways: 1 as a wayyiqtol and wqatal verb respectively of ‘be’ 49 in 3 rd person masculine singular; 2 As a segmentational particle, marking mainly temporal segmentation. Hatav 1997, 70 The description of as a segmentational particle continues the trend of considering its role in the temporal organization of narrative. The explicit statement of ’s function as verb or segmentational particle raises the question whether it is possible to fit all occurrences into only two distinct functional categories. Whether all “non-verbal” occurrences of are indeed temporal segmentation particles requires further investigation. Hatav also uses the concept of reference-time R-time to elucidate the function of . Statements like the following are representative of Hatav’s analysis: In BH, R-time updating phrases are always prefixed by a wayhi: or wha:ya: particle when they are sentence initial. When the R-time “jumps” forward, away from the current R-time, it is marked by wayhi:, and the adverbial phrase is preposed except for a very small number of counterexamples…. Hatav 1997, 78 The question again, however, is whether ’s uses are this easily categorized. Is the concept of R-time really that powerful that it can sort out the elusive functions of ? The function of in the temporal organization of text requires further scrutiny. Notice even in the following comment, the important role Hatav assigns to the concept of R-time to explain ’s use in adverbial clauses: The wayhi: phrase cannnot be interpreted as reporting an event, but as an obligatory particle for the preposed adverbials, signaling a new updated R- time. The claim that wayhi: is a marker of updated R-time can be supported by the fact that it may appear with no adverbial at all, as in example 72b above, still moving the story line to a “distant” R-time. For this reason it can also be attached to a qatal clause. Hatav 1997, 78-79 50 Hatav’s thought-provoking analysis is significant in its implementation of theoretical concepts used in general Linguistics. Further discussion of these claims regarding is postponed, however, until Chapter 10.

3.4.13 Van der Merwe et al, A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar,

1999 Van der Merwe’s study entitled “The Elusive Biblical Hebrew Term : A Perspective in Terms of Its Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics in 1 Samuel” van der Merwe 1999. is considered in greater detail in the next chapter. This section reviews the comments concerning the use of in A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar van der Merwe, Naudé, Kroeze 1999. This grammar has several comments about that indicate further development in research. The authors comment that anchors an event, state of affairs, scene, episode or narrative to the time line. namely signals that the event, state of affairs, scene, episode or narrative follows in time on a particular preceding event, state of affairs, scene, episode or narrative. van der Merwe, Naudé, Kroeze 1999, 331 This reflects the function that others have identified for of signaling a connection with the preceding narrative. Other comments refer more to the effect of on the narrative that follows. For example, they observe, concerning the use of + temporal constructions, that [i]n cases where the temporal frame of a new scene or episode is specified, signals that a new scene or episode is subsequent to a previously mentioned scene, and that this scene is part of the mainstream of a larger episode or narrative. van der Merwe, Naudé, Kroeze 1999, 332 51 Many of these comments will be considered in the analysis in Chapter 10. The syntactic distinctions made in this grammar are a significant contribution to the ongoing study of , and the function assigned to of keeping things in the mainstream of the narration will be considered in greater detail. As examples of the categories used in BHRG, consider the following: a. introduces the setting of a new scene or episode. signals that the new scene or episode needs to be link [sic] to a preceding one on which this new scene or episode follows in time. van der Merwe, Naudé, Kroeze 1999, 332 b. occurs in the setting of a new episode seldom. precedes reference to a state of affairs that apparently plays a pivotal role in the subsequent episode. c. occurs in the course of a scene. signals that a state of affairs needs to be treated on a par with the mainstream events of the narration, and that is not mere background information. d. occurs at the conclusion of a scene. signals that a state of affairs is the outcome of a preceding series of events. van der Merwe, Naudé, Kroeze 1999, 333 The attention to context is an important part of this grammar’s analysis. Similar to previous remarks, is assigned a role in distinguishing the mainstream from the background. The role of in setting is of particular relevance to the claim that marks “a state of affairs that may play a pivotal role in the subsequent episode.” These claims will be dealt with in greater detail in Chapter 10. 52

3.4.14 Rocine, Learning Biblical Hebrew: A New Approach Using

Discourse Analysis , 2000 Rocine’s Learning Biblical Hebrew: A New Approach Using Discourse Analysis is “written to teach the exegetical power of discourse analysis right from the start” Rocine 2000, 51. Rocine acknowledges the work of Niccacci and Longacre as being fundamental to his project. The influence of Longacre is especially clear in Rocine’s use of discourse profiles and verb rankings. To Niccacci, Rocine owes his distinction between the Historical Narrative genre and Direct Speech, which he calls “the ‘other half’ of biblical prose” Rocine 2000, 62. Rocine calls the “Historical Narrative transition marker” Rocine 2000, 51, stating that [t]he wayyiqtol form of is simultaneously a divider and joiner of text. It is a divider in the sense that it marks the onset of a new scene or a new episode or the entrance of a new participant in the story. At the same time it does indeed join the scene or episode it marks to a larger discourse. Rocine 2000, 51 How exactly “joins” the scene or episode to a larger discourse is unclear, but for Rocine the primary function of is that of indicating a transition within a discourse. For example, in one of the readings in his book, Rocine discusses Gen 17:1: Abram was ninety-nine years old, Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-amp ncfs Pc-afs ncfp 5 Gen 17:1 stating that this verse is an example of a discourse “bounded by plus a specification of time” Rocine 2000, 299. In this case, Rocine goes on to explain that the “specification of time is the verbless clause which follows” 2000, 299. This 53 comment reflects an analysis that sees as essentially detached from the temporal expression. This raises questions about the syntactic connection of to the clause which follows it, which is one of the main issues discussed throughout Chapter 9, The Temporal Uses of .

3.4.15 Analytical Summary of the Textlinguistic Approach

The publications reviewed in this section are representative of a shift in perspective within Linguistics that has influenced the study of biblical Hebrew. One of the main common denominators is an awareness of the need to analyze not only the syntactic components with which an element like occurs, but also to consider the possible functions of in the textual environments in which it occurs. The taxonomic nature of linguistic descriptions is seen in both the traditional and descriptive approaches discussed here and the need to consider all the data continues into the textlinguistic approach. The goal of all three approaches is description, but the descriptive approach, in contrast to the traditional approach, has less of a prescriptive tone. In other words, in a descriptive grammar, grammatical components are described as they are in one language without comparison with some idealized linguistic structure. Description is still a fundamental element of a textlinguistic approach, but the goal is to accomplish more than merely describing the linguistic objects at hand. The goal is to go beyond mere description and move toward prediction. In other words, a textlinguistic approach should produce an analysis which is descriptive, without being prescriptive and not merely descriptive, but also predictive. To be predictive means that the description of grammar, syntax, and textual organization goes beyond merely 54 observing what something like does; rather, the description is the foundation for being able to anticipate or predict why or under what circumstances a certain element is used. As Dik comments: …a theory of grammar should not be content to display the rules of language for their own sake, but should try, wherever possible, to explain these rules in terms of their functionality with respect to the ways they are used and to the ultimate purposes of these uses. Dik 1978, 2 From this perspective, there are certain ways in which statements about linguistic patterns or occurrences should be made. Statements that element X often occurs or that element Y can occur in a particular environment may describe representative cases of those linguistic elements, but more precise parameters are needed. This is not meant to imply that every problematic case disappears and that all exceptions magically vanish, but by broadening the contexts which textlinguistic approaches consider, a much greater degree of predictability is made possible. These statements may be hypotheses, but the objective is to clearly state the hypothesis so that it can be verified or refuted. As van der Merwe insightfully comments, “even if some hypotheses are refuted, our knowledge is furthered by knowing what a construction does not mean” van der Merwe 1994, 39. The problem with statements like “often occurs” and “can occur” is that they are not easily verified or refuted. Another facet of a predictive analysis is the necessary consideration of non- occurrences. For example, an analysis may state that occurs with temporal clauses that signal a new episode in the text. In order to account for all the dimensions of this use of , however, the following questions must also be asked: 55 1 Are all new episodes initiated by + temporal clause? If not, then the function of + temporal clause is not fully known until new episodes without + temporal clause are brought into the analysis. 2 Is the only function of + temporal clause the introduction of new episodes? If not, then the other uses of + temporal clause must be considered to more fully discern under what conditions does in fact occur with a temporal clause to initiate a new episode. In Narrative Syntax, van Wolde comments that …most linguistic studies of Biblical Hebrew mainly focus on the analysis of how the forms are organized. Only a few deal with the question of motivation and ask why a specific form is used in a certain text. van Wolde 1997, 21 The goal of textlinguistic studies, then, should be to move beyond how to why. The goal of the present study is to contribute to this process. 56 CHAPTER 4 THE NEED FOR FURTHER STUDY OF It might seem from the preceding review of studies which deal with that there is little more that could be said about this enigmatic little word. One of the goals here, however, is to deal exhaustively with and in the process, further refine current understanding of its uses and functions as well as extend the analysis into areas not yet adequately explored. There are many aspects of where and when is used that are not well-defined. Part of the problem with previous studies is the untestability of what they claim concerning ’s functions. To merely label it a macro-syntactic marker or “Text- deiktikon” does not answer many of the questions that come from seeing the diverse ways in which is used. If the function of is “Tempusmarker,” another set of questions arises. There are many past tense narratives that don’t have any occurrences of and certain texts seem to have many more than would be needed to simply mark past tense. Questions like these and those discussed in the next three sections indicate that there is much more to be understood about the uses and functions of . These sections are followed by a detailed discussion of van der Merwe’s analysis of in 1 Samuel. 57

4.1 Questions Raised by

4.1.1 Questions Raised by the Books that Start with

Eight books in the Hebrew Bible start with : Joshua, Judges, 1 Samuel, 2 Samuel, Ezekiel, Jonah, Ruth, and Esther. Josh 1:1 E+ ; + 8 NASB : Now it came about after the death of Moses the servant of the LORD, that the LORD spoke to Joshua the son of Nun, Moses servant, saying, NIV : After the death of Moses the servant of the LORD, the LORD said to Joshua son of Nun, Moses aide: NRSV : After the death of Moses the servant of the LORD, the LORD spoke to Joshua son of Nun, Moses assistant, saying, Judg 1:1 , F E+ + 8 ; , ,5 NASB : Now it came about after the death of Joshua that the sons of Israel inquired of the LORD, saying, “Who shall go up first for us against the Canaanites, to fight against them?” NIV : After the death of Joshua, the Israelites asked the LORD, “Who will be the first to go up and fight for us against the Canaanites?” NRSV : After the death of Joshua, the Israelites inquired of the LORD, “Who shall go up first for us against the Canaanites, to fight against them?” 1 Sam 1:1 ; + 8 9 5 : NASB : Now there was a certain man from Ramathaim-zophim from the hill country of Ephraim, and his name was Elkanah the son of Jeroham, the son of Elihu, the son of Tohu, the son of Zuph, an Ephraimite. NIV : There was a certain man from Ramathaim, a Zuphite from the hill country of Ephraim, whose name was Elkanah son of Jeroham, the son of Elihu, the son of Tohu, the son of Zuph, an Ephraimite. NRSV : There was a certain man of Ramathaim, a Zuphite from the hill country of Ephraim, whose name was Elkanah son of Jeroham son of Elihu son of Tohu son of Zuph, an Ephraimite. 58 2 Sam 1:1 8 C + + NASB : Now it came about after the death of Saul, when David had returned from the slaughter of the Amalekites, that David remained two days in Ziklag. NIV : After the death of Saul, David returned from defeating the Amalekites and stayed in Ziklag two days. NRSV : After the death of Saul, when David had returned from defeating the Amalekites, David remained two days in Ziklag. Ezek 1:1 +G 4+ - ? 8 ? : + - 5 NASB : Now it came about in the thirtieth year, on the fifth day of the fourth month, while I was by the river Chebar among the exiles, the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God. NIV : In the thirtieth year, in the fourth month on the fifth day, while I was among the exiles by the Kebar River, the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God. NRSV : In the thirtieth year, in the fourth month, on the fifth day of the month, as I was among the exiles by the river Chebar, the heavens were opened, and I saw visions of God. Jonah 1:1 8 5 + NASB : The word of the LORD came to Jonah the son of Amittai saying, NIV : The word of the LORD came to Jonah son of Amittai: NRSV : Now the word of the LORD came to Jonah son of Amittai, saying, Ruth 1:1 H 4 0 6- 6 8 ;5 + F C NASB : Now it came about in the days when the judges governed, that there was a famine in the land. And a certain man of Bethlehem in Judah went to sojourn in the land of Moab with his wife and his two sons. NIV : In the days when the judges ruled, there was a famine in the land, and a man from Bethlehem in Judah, together with his wife and two sons, went to live for a while in the country of Moab. NRSV : In the days when the judges ruled, there was a famine in the land, and a certain man of Bethlehem in Judah went to live in the country of Moab, he and his wife and two sons. Esth 1:1 8 F 4 3 + + NASB : Now it took place in the days of Ahasuerus, the Ahasuerus who reigned from India to Ethiopia over 127 provinces, NIV : This is what happened during the time of Xerxes, the Xerxes who ruled over 127 provinces stretching from India to Cush: NRSV : This happened in the days of Ahasuerus, the same Ahasuerus who ruled over one hundred twenty- seven provinces from India to Ethiopia The NASB consistently preserves at least now if not now it came about wherever occurs at the beginning of these books, with the exception of Jonah. Other English 59 versions, such at the NIV and NRSV , leave no trace of the occurrence of , except Esth 1:1 in NIV : This is what happened… What does signal in this book-initial position? Is it an indicator of narrative? If marks text as narrative, why does initiate certain books and not others which appear to have the same narrative character? Obviously there is more than one way to start a book, but the analysis of needs to take facts like these into account and avoid general statements about frequently starting a book.

4.1.2 Questions Raised by How

is Used in Jonah There are five occurrences of in the brief text of Jonah. The word of the LORD came to Jonah the son of Amittai saying, 5 + 8 Jonah 1:1 The LORD hurled a great wind on the sea and there was a great storm on the sea +G 6 +G Jonah 1:4 Jonah was in the stomach of the fish three days and three nights. ? C + + ? Jonah 2:1 The word of the LORD came to Jonah the second time, saying, + Jonah 3:1 When the sun came up, God appointed a scorching east wind, - ; ? : Jonah 4:8 The occurrences at 1:1 and 3:1 are identical in structure, other than the use of 5 in 1:1 to introduce Jonah and of in 3:1 to make it explicit that it is the second time. Four of the five occurrences are followed by noun phrases, but the fifth is followed by the preposition and an infinitive construct. To what extent do these details of the syntactic environment affect the function of ? Do these occurrences have any 60 structural significance within the book? For example, it could be argued that the occurrences at 1:1 and 3:1 initiate two major divisions of the book. However, is this a function of or would the same division be there because of the parallel structure even if were not present? Do the other three occurrences of have any other function in the book? Is there some significance in marking the storm, Jonah being in the fish’s belly, and the sunrise with ? Are these pivotal events within the book that merit a discourse marking? These are the kinds of questions that motivated further research.

4.1.3 Questions Raised by the Distribution of

in Genesis Plotting the distribution of in Genesis revealed other facets of its use that needed explanation. One of the first observations was that the many verbal uses of required separate analysis. The frequent occurrence of in Gen 1 did not appear to be the result of any macro-syntactic function of the word, but rather a product of its use as a verb. This raised the question of how many other occurrences of might actually be “nothing more” than the WAYYIQTOL form of . The most puzzling aspect of the distribution of in Genesis is the high frequency of occurrence in chapters 38 and 39 after only one occurrence in all of chapters 36 and 37. What factors would give rise to this sudden increase in frequency? Is this produced by a difference in genre or text-type? Is there some macro-structure that is marked by these occurrences of ? This enigmatic behavior of requires further exploration. 61

4.1.4 Questions Raised by van der Merwe’s Study of

in 1 Samuel Van der Merwe’s study of in 1 Samuel is the first published analysis of the discourse functions of this “elusive term” in an extended corpus. This study employs the notion of reference time as a parameter for analyzing , similar to Hatav’s The Semantics of Aspect and Modality. Since this is the most extensive, focused analysis of to date, its main conclusions will be reviewed in detail here. Van der Merwe reviews the work of various scholars and concludes that more clearly defined syntactic parameters need to be used in the analysis of . One of the most basic distinctions in his study is between the verbal and the temporal uses of , a distinction also commented on by Richter and others Richter 1980, 206. 1 Based on 1 Samuel, van der Merwe concludes that a signals that the reference time of a state of affairs is that of the current reference time of a preceding temporally anchored event or events, and b allows the updating or specification of the reference time of an event by confirming that the current reference time of the construction with is a preceding temporally anchored event or state of affairs. van der Merwe 1999, 113-14 Van der Merwe explains that “each temporally anchored event provides the current reference time for the subsequent event” van der Merwe 1999, 113-14, but before proceeding, it is important to define what is meant by a “temporally anchored event.” If a narrative begins with a specific temporal reference, this establishes the 1 “Text-deiktische Funktion haben ferner die Wörterverbingdungen = • und • = , wenn sie nicht als Verb fungieren” Richter 1980, 206. 62 “current reference time” of the narrative until it is updated or specified by another temporal reference. Van der Merwe’s claim, then, is that signals and confirms that the reference time of the construction with is the already established reference time. According to this analysis in 1 Samuel, then, does not establish a new reference time. Van der Merwe’s conclusions are then divided into followed by a nominal clause and preceding a temporal clause. He states that introduces a nominal clause …that initiates the setting of a new episode in a narrative. In such cases it normally points to the connection between major units in the Tanach. Hence, it may be regarded as a device for establishing continuity at a macro level; or may also …introduce a nominal clause that concludes a scene or episode. In such cases the fact that a state of affairs is the outcome of preceding events is signaled. To put it differently, anchors a state of affairs to the time- line i.e., story-line of a narrative and establishes a continuity at an intra- scene level between events and the state of affairs of a scene. van der Merwe 1999, 113 In some respects, the claim that both initiates and concludes a scene or episode may seem to be contradictory. What determines whether a particular occurrence of is initiating or concluding a scene or episode? This will be discussed in detail in subsequent sections. 63

4.1.5 Questions Raised by the Claims in the Literature Review

The survey of scholarship in the sections on Traditional, Descriptive, and Textlinguistic approaches stimulated other questions about the function of . The purpose here is to summarize and highlight the questions that are crucial for further understanding of and its various uses and functions. 1 What is the direction of ’s connection in the text? Is the connection to what precedes it, follows it, or both? 2 What is the role of in marking or signaling divisions in a text? 3 Do only certain types of occurrences of qualify for a role in the broader narrative organization or is there something about as a verb that gives every occurrence a peculiar role? 4 Is the presence or absence of with particular clause elements involved in the information structure of a biblical Hebrew text? In other words, does it indicate different levels of prominence or salience? 5 If ’s primary role is in the temporal organization of a text, does a concept like Reference Time clarify its function? 6 To what extent is the function of governed by the form of the verbal element which immediately follows it? 7 Does aspect play a role in determining the function of ? 8 What are the implications of labeling as a “macro-syntactic marker”? If this is ’s function, what is being marked? These questions and others like them have motivated the research presented in this study. The particular object of study is , but in a broader sense, this study is probing fundamental issues of how one understands the interconnected nature of narrative and all the varied linguistic elements which make it work. just happens to be the specific item under the microscope. 64

4.1.6 Summary

Van der Merwe’s analysis of 1 Samuel highlights the complexity of ’s usage in the Hebrew Bible. Even though the corpus provided by 1 Samuel seems quite extensive, there are many questions about the use of that remain unanswered. There are also several aspects to van der Merwe’s analysis that need clarification. He states that “ signals that the reference time of a state of affairs is that of the current reference time of a preceding temporally anchored event or events” and that also “allows the updating or specification of the reference time of an event by confirming that the current reference time of the construction with is a preceding temporally anchored event or state of affairs” van der Merwe 1999, 113. These claims need to be evaluated after careful examination of the data.

4.2 The Scope of this Study

The primary focus of this study is on —perhaps the most readily recognized form of the verb —, but the other forms of cannot be ignored. For example, the less frequent feminine singular 5 needs to also be considered in terms of its syntactic and pragmatic functions. Equally necessary is the analysis of with its feminine counterpart . In a certain sense, and are mirror-image forms, performing similar functions but along different temporal axes. As the discussion of proceeds, it will become clear that is merely one element in the complex web of verbal or temporal strands that run through a text. Even 65 though the present analysis focuses on , it cannot be adequately analyzed when isolated from the web of which it is an integral part. This analysis also involves close consideration of the syntactic components most integrally connected to in the text. For example, the analysis of must take into account the syntactic shape of the clause in which it occurs. One of the most unfortunate consequences of too quickly assuming the textlinguistic function of an entity like is that its syntactic role or connection in the immediate context can all too easily be overlooked. At a broader level, must be analyzed in terms of how it relates to the various features of narrative texture and temporal organization in biblical Hebrew. Whenever the narrative functions of are discussed, must be analyzed as one of several interrelated components of the text which work together to move it through its turns and transitions. In this regard, must be analyzed along with the many WAYYIQTOL verb forms in biblical Hebrew. As a member of the total set of WAYYIQTOL verbs, should be expected to share similar functions with other members of the set, but without denying that the grammaticalization of certain unique functions can occur. The fact that is a WAYYIQTOL makes it necessary to discuss certain general features of the biblical Hebrew verbal system See 6.2. Comprehensive analysis of the various syntactic environments within which occurs provides the necessary data for the subsequent consideration of its role and function within the broader textual context, giving special attention to discourse and pragmatic factors. 66 This study is very data-oriented, based on the belief that working through example after example is the best way for the general patterns of usage to become most apparent. If only a few selective examples are given, it is more difficult to gain an appreciation for and familiarity with the full spectrum of ’s uses. One of the other benefits of displaying all the data is that it gives an objective starting point from which to discuss the patterns and distribution of the linguistic items in question. It is easy to assume that certain phrases are quite frequent unless the actual number of occurrences is taken into consideration. For example, the specific phrase , after these things discussed in more detail in 9.3.1.1 occurs only eight times in the entire Hebrew Bible—and five of these occurrences are in Genesis. 2 While reading Genesis, it is certainly reasonable to notice the relatively frequent occurrence of this phrase, but this type of impression cannot be anything more than a preliminary hypothesis until the rest of the biblical Hebrew corpus is considered. On the basis of Genesis, this phrase may have appeared to be a significant temporal structuring device, but this analysis is no longer possible when the other occurrences are taken into account. An additional benefit of displaying all the examples is that it gives the reader immediate access to the data, thus facilitating evaluation of the analysis and claims in this study. In the study of something like , it is very easy to make general statements based on limited data. Some of these statements may indeed be valid, but they need to be verified in light of all the relevant data. 2 Gen 22:1, 20; 39:7; 40:1; 48:1; Josh 24:29; 1 Kgs 17:17; 21:1. 67 In certain sections, however, where the exact phrase is repeated numerous times, just the references are given. This is the case, for example with the possessive phrases, ; he had, especially since there is nothing in the broader context that affects these verbal uses of .

4.3 The Contribution of this Study