PKS u and Rimes

Table 5.49. Merger of PKS - uːk and -uk in JL Pandong, indicated by double lines Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Gloss PKS SD PD JL BL ‘nasal mucus’ muːk D mʊk⁸ mok⁸ mɔɐk⁸ mʊk⁸ muk¹⁰ ‘to come out’ ʔuːk D ʔʊk⁷ ʔok⁷ ʔɔɐk⁷ ʔʊk⁷ ʔuk⁹ ‘to wash hands’ zuːk D sʊk⁸ jok⁸ zɔɐk⁷ tsʊk⁷ ȶuk⁹ ‘flower’ nuk D † nʊk⁸ nok⁸ nɔɐk⁸ nʊk⁷ nuk⁹ ‘bird’ mluk D nɔːk⁸ nɔɐk⁸ nɔɐk⁸ nɔk⁸ nok⁸ ‘to fall, to drop’ tuk D tɔːk⁷ tɔɐk⁷ tɔɐk⁷ tɔːk⁷ tok⁷ ‘six’ ljuk D ljɔːk⁸ ljɔɐk⁸ ljɔɐk⁸ ljɔk⁸ ljok⁸ ‘ripe, cooked’ zuk D s ɔːk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ tsɔk⁸ ɕok⁸ † Thurgood uses a double prime mark to indicate that this form is cognate with a disyllabic Proto-Austro-Tai form.

5.4.7 PKS u and

uː before nasal codas Thurgood makes no attempt to account for the phonemic distinction between u and o when followed by nasal codas. In his system, PKS -um - əm Maonan and Southern Sui, -um all other Sui; PKS -uːm -um Maonan, -um Sui, merging with -um; PKS -un - ən Maonan and Sui; PKS -uːn -uːn Maonan, -un-on Sui; and PKS - uŋ -oŋ Sui, -uŋ-oŋ-ɔŋ Maonan. He did not posit PKS -uːŋ. He lacked any examples of -om, - uŋ and -əŋ in his Sui data. Based on our Sui data and other Kam-Sui evidence, we propose PKS - ə from Liang and Zhang’s PTK -ɯ to account for -əm Maonan 29 , - ən Sui and Maonan and - əŋ Sui and Maonan reflexes, and PKS u and uː to account for -uN and -oN reflexes respectively in Sui. Our data for -m and - ŋ codas are relatively few. We have only two words, ‘to drip’ tom⁵ and ‘concave’ qom², which exhibit -om across all Sui dialects, and several e.g., ‘tiger’ mum⁴, ‘sour’ hum³, ‘to hold a child’ ʔum³, ‘to drink’ ɣum⁴ etc. which consistently show -um. There are several words exhibiting - oŋ in all Sui dialects including Yang’an e.g., ‘belly’ loŋ², ‘forest’ ʔdoŋ¹, ‘winnowing basket’ ʔdoŋ³, ‘grandfather’ qoŋ⁵ whereas only two words consistently showing -uŋ, ‘uncle’ luŋ² and ‘many’ kuŋ². A few words which show variation on these rimes are given in table 5.50. Eastern, Western and Central Sui varieties are consistent with SD for these words. Southern Sui tends to have o after bilabial stops SW and JR, the other two Southern Sui data points, have identical pronunciations to JQ for these words. 29 Note that - əm and -əp do not occur in Sui apart from in SY, discussed a little later, see Section 3.2.3 of the Sui phonology sketch in chapter 3. Table 5.50. PKS - uŋ, -up and -um. Words with o nuclei are shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Southern Gloss SD JQ SY JL BL ‘steam’ pʰjoŋ¹ pʰɔːŋ¹ pʰoɐŋ¹ pʰjoŋ¹ pʰjoŋ¹ pʰjuŋ¹ ‘smell, odour, aroma’ poŋ⁵ pɔːŋ⁵ poɐŋ⁵ poŋ⁵ poŋ⁵ puŋ⁵ † ‘bud’ pʊp⁷ pɔːp⁷ pɔːp⁷ pop⁷ pʊp⁷ - ‘fish’ mɔm⁶ m om⁶ məm⁶ mɔːm⁶ mom⁶ məm⁶ ‡ ‘muddy and rocky’ ʔbɔŋ⁵ ʔbɔːŋ⁵ ʔboŋ⁵ - vɐŋ⁵ - † Means ‘powder’ in Kam. ‡ Southern Kam Dayun, Rongshui county; other Kam dialects use a cognate of PT plaː A . With regard to the SY pronunciation of ‘fish’ m əm⁶, almost all cases of -um and -up SD are realised as - əm and -əp respectively in SY e.g., ‘tiger’ məm⁴, ‘small room’ xəm⁴, ‘ten’ səp⁸, ‘to pick up’ tsəp⁷ etc.. This could possibly be a case of SY retaining PKS - əm ours and not merging it with PKS -um ours, equivalent to Thurgood’s PKS uːm as in other Sui dialects. The only clear example of SY retaining PKS um ours in our data is ‘to hold a child’ ʔŋum³, but this suggests that SY does have a phonemic distinction between - əm and -um, unlike other Sui dialects. 30 Data for PKS - uːn are more numerous. A selection is given in table 5.51. The phonetic realisation of o varies considerably depending on its phonetic environment see chapter 3, section 3.2.3 of the Sui phonology sketch. ZH Central and Eastern Sui varieties are entirely consistent with SD for these words and SW and JR Southern are consistent with JQ. Although -un and -on can both occur in conjunction with any onset, some general tendencies can be observed among the dialects. In Central, Eastern and Southern JQ, SW, JR dialects, -un does not usually occur with bilabial or palatal onsets and -on does not occur with alveolar onsets. 31 In Yang’an dialect and Western dialects, and in SY Southern, -un can occur with any onset and -on is far rarer, occurring only occasionally with palatal, velar or uvular onsets contrasting with -un in the same environments. 32 If PKS ən perhaps from PTK ɯn is proposed to account for - ən in Kam, Sui and Maonan, PKS un and uːn could partly account for the u - o variation in these rimes. 30 Another possible candidate for PKS um is ‘to immerse briefly in water’ sup ⁸ our own field notes which appears to contrast with ‘ten’ s əp⁸ in SY. 31 ‘Angry’ ȵun² and ‘kiwi fruit’ ʔnon⁵ are notable exceptions. 32 With the exception of modern Chinese loanword s such as ‘plate’ pʰon⁴. Table 5.51. PKS - uːn. Words with o nuclei are shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Western Southern Gloss SD TZ TP JQ SY JL BL ‘to sleep’ nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² ‘thorn’ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ sun¹ ‘to vomit’ kun⁵ kun⁵ kun⁵ kun⁵ - - kun⁵ - ‘maggot’ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ nɔn¹ nun¹ nun¹ ‘stool, bench’ ʔun¹ ʔun¹ ʔun¹ ʔŋɔːn¹ - ȵɔn¹ pun¹ pun¹ † ‘monkey’ m ɔn⁶ mun⁶ muːɐn⁶ mɔːn⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ ‘mist, fog’ m ɔn¹ mun¹ mun¹ m ɔːn¹ mun¹ mɔn¹ mun² mun² ‘fist’ ȶɔn² ȶun² ȶun² ȶuɐn² ȶun² ȶɔn² ȶun² ȶun² ‘to extend’ ɕɔn⁴ ɕun⁴ ɕun⁴ ɕuɐn⁴ - - hun⁴ - ‘hat’ ȵɔn⁴ - ȵɔːn⁴ ȵuɐn⁴ - - ȵuɔn⁴ - ‘first, before’ k ɔn⁵ qun⁵ kuːɐn⁵ kɔːn⁵ koən⁵ kun⁵ q ʊn⁵ ʔun⁵, kun⁵ ‘to be willing’ ȵɔn⁶ ȵɔːn⁶ ȵuːɐn⁶ ȵuɐn⁶ ȵʉən⁶ ȵun⁶ ȵuɔn⁶ ȵon⁶ ‡ ‘to go for a walk’ q ɔn⁶ q ɔːn⁶ qɔːn⁶ - - - q ɔːn⁶ - † Means ‘pillow’ in Kam. ‡ Southern Kam only.

5.4.8 PKS -i-, -