Table 4.7. PKS z- and related onsets y īn and yáng tones are divided by double lines
Sandong Pandong
Yang’an Gloss
PKS SD
JQ TP
West- ern
PD JL
TN BL
Kam ‘ripe’
zuk
D
sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔːk⁸ tsɔk⁸ ɕok⁸
‘to wash hands’
zuːk
D
sʊk⁸ sʊk⁸
zok⁷ jok⁷
zɔɐk⁷ zʊk⁷ tsʊk⁷ ɕuk⁹
‘to raise’ -
sɜi⁶ -
zɜi⁵ -
- zɜi⁵
tsɜi⁵ -
‘night’ -
saːn² saːn² saːn² -
- tjaːn¹ tjaːn¹ ȶaːn¹
‘to dry’ -
sa⁵ za⁵
sa⁵ ja⁵
za⁵ sa⁵
sa⁵ ɕa⁵
‘to wipe’ -
sək⁷ sjək⁷ sək⁷
sək⁷ sɔɐk⁷ sək⁷
tsʊk⁷ ɕək⁷ ‘Sui’
- sui³
sui³ sui³
sui³ sui³
sui³ sui³
ɕui³ Finally, we found a limited number of old Chinese loanwords for which Yang’an Sui and sometimes
Pandong Sui and Kam has developed different yīn-yáng registers than all other Sui dialects. These are
given in table 4.8. They indicate either that the Chinese words were borrowed at different times or that the Great Tone Split occurred at a different point in time relative to respective onset developments in the
various dialects.
Table 4.8. Tone alternations on Chinese loanwords words bearing yáng tones shaded in grey
Sandong Pandong
Yang’an Gloss
Source charac-
ter EMC
SD DJ
JQ JL
PD TN
BL Kam
‘tendon’† 筋
kin
A
jən¹ -
- jan¹
- ŋɡən² -
ʔən¹ ‘to count’
計 kɛj
C
jei⁵ jɜi⁵
jei⁵ ŋei⁶
ŋai⁶ ɣɜi⁶
ŋɡei⁶ jai⁶ ‘to call’
叫 kɛw
C
ju⁵ ju⁵
ju⁵ ju⁵
ŋaːu⁶ ku⁶ ku⁶
- ‘to write’‡
畫 ɣwaɨj
C
va⁵ va⁵
wa⁵ va⁵
wa⁵ vɛ⁶
wɛ⁶ we⁵
† Sui data from Zeng Xiaoyu 1994:67. ‡ The Chinese
畫 means ‘to paint’ or ‘to draw’; Kam [
we⁵] also means ‘to paint’.
4.3.3 Unique tonal developments in Southern Sui
Yang’an, Pandong and Western dialects are not the only dialects to exhibit some different yīn-yáng tone
assignments from the rest of Sui. Southern Sui, which is otherwise entirely consistent with other Sandong dialects in terms of its tonal developments, sometimes has
yīn tones on words with voiced velar onsets, whereas the other Sui dialects, along with Kam, Mulam and Then Thurgood 1988, bear the expected
yáng tones. Examples are given in table 4.9.
Table 4.9. PKS hr- y īn and yáng tones are divided by double lines
Sandong Pandong Yang’an
Kam Central
Easter n
Southern Gloss
PKS SD
TZ DJ
JQ SY
JL BL
‘other’ † -
ŋɡɔ² -
- ɣo²
ɣo² qɔ²
qɔ² -
‘pear’ -
ŋɡɜi² ŋɡɘi²
ŋɡɜi² ɣei¹
ɣɜi¹ ŋɡei²
ŋɡei² jai²
‘footprint’ hru:i
A
ŋɡui² ŋɡui²
ŋɡui² ɣi¹
- -
ŋɡui² -
‘home, house’ hraːn
A
ŋɡaːn² ŋɡaːn² ŋɡaːn² ɣaːn¹ ɣaːn¹ ŋɡaːn² ŋɡaːn² jaːn²
‘two’ hra
A
ŋɡa² ŋɡa²
ŋɡa² ɣa¹
ɣa¹ ŋɡa²
ŋɡa² -
‘to drink’ -
ŋɡʊm⁴ ŋɡom⁴ ŋɡʊm⁴ ɣʊm³ ɣʊm³ ŋɡom⁴ ŋɡom⁴ hum⁴
‘to know’ -
ŋɡɔ⁴ ŋɡɔ⁴
ŋɡɔ⁴ ɣo³
ɣo³ ŋɡɔ⁴
ŋɡɔ⁴ jo⁴
particle functionally
equiv. to Chinese
了 -
- -
- ɣaːŋ³ ɣaːŋ³ -
ŋɡaːŋ⁴ jaːŋ⁴ ‘to pare’
- ŋɡuːt⁸ ŋɡuːt⁸ ŋɡuːt⁸ vuːt⁷ wuːt⁷ ŋɡuət⁸
ŋɡʊːt⁸ - ‘spider’ ‡
- ŋɡɔ¹
- -
ɣo¹ ɣo¹
- -
ŋo² ‘cool’ Kam:
‘ice’ -
ŋɡaːŋ⁵ ŋɡaːŋ⁵ ŋɡaːŋ⁵ ɣaːŋ⁵ laːŋ⁵ h̃jaːn⁵
kaːŋ⁵ kaːŋ⁵
, ʔaːŋ⁵
‘to soak rotten’ §
- ŋɡɐm¹ -
- ɣɐm¹ -
- -
kɐm¹ † Sui data from Zeng 2004:193
‡ Sui data from Zeng 2004:273; Stanford 2007:76 has ŋɔ² for ‘spider’ in Shuilong just north of our ZH data
point. § Data from our own field notes.
Thurgood 1988 and Zeng 1994:78 offer similar solutions, both of them positing voiceless fricatives in the proto language PKS hr- and PS x- respectively, suggesting that in cases where these
words now bear yáng tones, the onsets acquired voicing before the Great Tone Split. Wang Dewen 1988:139 suggests that these words share the same proto-onset as words which have a preglottalised
velar ʔɣ- onset in modern Sui, i.e., PKS ʔɣ-. This seems unlikely given that the latter words, such as ʔɣa⁵
‘rice paddy’, ʔɣam¹ ‘to sink’ and ʔɣaːi³ ‘long’, consistently bear yīn tones in all Sui dialects and there is no
obvious conditioning environment which would lead to the words shown in table 4.9 losing their initial preglottalisation prior to the tone split. Furthermore, Southern Sui has several words beginning with
ɣ- and bearing yáng tones, for example
ɣo² ‘other’, ɣaːŋ⁶ ‘to wander around the streets’, ɣaːi² ‘next to’ and ɣa⁶ha² ‘pitiable’.
6
A voiceless fricative proto-onset is independently backed up by words such as ‘house’ l̥en¹ and ‘to
know’ l̥ɔ³ in Wusehua Wei Maofan and Wei Shuguan 2011, a Taic language spoken in northern
6
Although Shuiyao says ʔɣa⁵ha², presumably showing a yīn tone on the first syllable due to retention of the initial
glottal stop.
Guangxi, which preserves both the yīn tone and the voiceless onset unlike other Taic languages such as
Thai, Zhuang and Lao, which all exhibit yáng tones on these words. Southern Sui, in common with Maonan and Mak, bears
yīn tones on these words, indicating that it underwent devoicing on the initial hr- at a different point in time than the other dialects, after the Great
Tone Split had already taken place see also Thurgood 1988:191.
4.3.4 Summary