processes.
3
With these words, as with words showing yīn- yáng tone alternations, Yang’an Sui is entirely
consistent with Kam in the development of its tone categories.
4.3.2 Shared tonal developments in Pandong, Western, Yang’an Sui and Kam
There are several words with nasal onsets which bear yáng tones in Pandong and Western Sui vernaculars. Most of these words also bear yáng tones in Yang’an dialect and Kam, whereas they bear
yīn tones in Central, Southern and Eastern Sui dialects. Examples are given in table 4.6, along with words
with similar onsets for which only Yang’an Sui and Kam share yáng tones. These words are probably the best candidates for sesquisyllabic forms in Proto-Kam-Sui. A PKS m
ə- prefix for some words possibly originating in PKS mai
B
‘wood, tree’ for ‘to plant’ pra
A
, ‘ear of grain’ praːŋ
A
, ‘chicken flea’ praːi
A
, ‘vine’ kjaːu
A
cf. Southern Kam spoken in Sixi, Rongshui county ‘vine’ kjaːu¹; see chapter 5, section 5.2.3.1 and ‘scissors’ kjiu
A
suggested reconstructions ours would neatly account for the Pandong and Western correspondences. For the former three words, the m
ə- prefix has merged with the following onset cluster via syncope; for the latter two, the prefix has also undergone
syncope in Pandong and Western Sui and Yang’an and Kam for ‘scissors’ but has been lost entirely in the rest of Sui. These sound changes are unlikely to have occurred independently in two different
locations and thus provide our first solid evidence for a historical link between Pandong dialect and Western Sui dialects spoken in Tingpai TP, Tangzhou TZ and Antang AT.
4
3
Sporadic tone category “jumps” are rare. A couple of other examples: ‘to warm by a fire’ pʰjaːu⁵ Pandong dialect,
pʰjaːu¹ all other dialects; and ‘clf. for person’ ʔai¹ Southern subdialect, ʔai³ all other dialects
4
Our three Western Sui data points probably represent a large number of speakers, since our own observations, Stanford’s 2007, 2011 previous research and James Wei’s 2011 thesis indicate that Hengfeng, Shuilong and Dahe
speech is far closer to these dialects than to the Central dialects of Sandong, Zhonghe and Zhouqin.
Table 4.6. More yīn-yáng tone alternations in Sui on words with nasal onset components yīn and yáng
tones are divided by double lines Sandong
Pandong Yang’an
Gloss PKS
SD JQ
TP West-
ern PD
JL BL
TN Kam
‘mist’ muk
D
mɔn¹ mɔːn¹ mun¹ mɔɐn¹ mɔn¹
mun² mun²
mun² ‘hand’
k-mja
A
mja¹ mja¹
miːa¹ mia¹ miɛ¹
mja² mja²
mja² ‘to plant
tree’ mpra
A
ᵐbja¹ ᵐbja¹
miːa² mia² miɛ²
mja² mja²
mja² ‘ear of
grain’ mpraːŋ
A
ᵐbjaːŋ¹ ᵐbjaːŋ¹ mjaːŋ² mjaŋ² mjaŋ² mjaːŋ² mjaːŋ² mjeŋ² ‘chicken
flea’† -
ᵐbjaːi¹ ᵐbjaːi¹ SL
mjaːi⁵ mjaːi² JC
- -
- -
‘vine’ -
jaːu¹ jaːu¹
mjaːu² mjaːu² mjaːu² ȶaːu¹ jaːu¹
ȶau¹ ‘scissors’ -
jiːu¹ jiu¹
miu² miu²
miu² miu²
miu² miu²
‘water’ ȵam
C
nɐm³ nɐm³
nam³ nam³ nam³
nɐm⁴ nam⁴
nam⁴ ‘silt’
- naːm⁵ -
- -
- -
- naːm⁶
‘bronze drum’
- ȵaːn¹
ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹
ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹
ȵaːn² -
‘to scrub clothes’
- ȵuːt⁷
ȵuːt⁷ ȵuːt⁷
ȵʉət⁷ ȵuət⁷ - -
ȵut⁸ † Data from Zeng 2004 and author’s own field notes.
Thurgood suggests k-mja
A
for ‘hand’. Pittayaporn 2009 suggests Proto-Tai C̬.nam
C
for ‘water’ and Norquest 2007 suggests Proto-Hlai C-n
əmʔ for ‘water’ and C-mɯː for ‘hand’.
5
We propose a similar solution, C.N- for ‘mist’, ‘hand’, ‘water’, ‘bronze drum’ and ‘to scrub’, although reflexes for the latter
three words are puzzling considering reverse tone alternations in words with similar onsets in table 4.4. Three words with related onsets, ‘to wash hands’, ‘to raise’ and ‘night’, have
yīn tones in Kam, Yang’an Sui, Pandong Sui and barring ‘night’ Tingpai TP, whereas they have yáng tones in Southern,
Eastern and Central dialect areas see table 4.7. Unless a presyllable is reconstructed in the proto language for these three words for example PKS
C̬.s- or C.z-, an unlikely sequence of sound changes must have taken place to account for the tone alternations. Regarding ‘night’, note that PKS s- or z-
t-tj- is a well attested sound change in Mulam see Ferlus 1996:260–261.
5
Norquest 2007:268 suggests that the Proto-Southern-Kra-Dai form for these types of correspondences was a sesquisyllable with a voiced presyllable. In Pre-Hlai, he conjectures that these “devoiced, becoming voiceless and
conditioning high register” but “conditioned low register in Proto-Be and Proto-South-Western-Tai.”
Table 4.7. PKS z- and related onsets y īn and yáng tones are divided by double lines
Sandong Pandong
Yang’an Gloss
PKS SD
JQ TP
West- ern
PD JL
TN BL
Kam ‘ripe’
zuk
D
sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔːk⁸ tsɔk⁸ ɕok⁸
‘to wash hands’
zuːk
D
sʊk⁸ sʊk⁸
zok⁷ jok⁷
zɔɐk⁷ zʊk⁷ tsʊk⁷ ɕuk⁹
‘to raise’ -
sɜi⁶ -
zɜi⁵ -
- zɜi⁵
tsɜi⁵ -
‘night’ -
saːn² saːn² saːn² -
- tjaːn¹ tjaːn¹ ȶaːn¹
‘to dry’ -
sa⁵ za⁵
sa⁵ ja⁵
za⁵ sa⁵
sa⁵ ɕa⁵
‘to wipe’ -
sək⁷ sjək⁷ sək⁷
sək⁷ sɔɐk⁷ sək⁷
tsʊk⁷ ɕək⁷ ‘Sui’
- sui³
sui³ sui³
sui³ sui³
sui³ sui³
ɕui³ Finally, we found a limited number of old Chinese loanwords for which Yang’an Sui and sometimes
Pandong Sui and Kam has developed different yīn-yáng registers than all other Sui dialects. These are
given in table 4.8. They indicate either that the Chinese words were borrowed at different times or that the Great Tone Split occurred at a different point in time relative to respective onset developments in the
various dialects.
Table 4.8. Tone alternations on Chinese loanwords words bearing yáng tones shaded in grey
Sandong Pandong
Yang’an Gloss
Source charac-
ter EMC
SD DJ
JQ JL
PD TN
BL Kam
‘tendon’† 筋
kin
A
jən¹ -
- jan¹
- ŋɡən² -
ʔən¹ ‘to count’
計 kɛj
C
jei⁵ jɜi⁵
jei⁵ ŋei⁶
ŋai⁶ ɣɜi⁶
ŋɡei⁶ jai⁶ ‘to call’
叫 kɛw
C
ju⁵ ju⁵
ju⁵ ju⁵
ŋaːu⁶ ku⁶ ku⁶
- ‘to write’‡
畫 ɣwaɨj
C
va⁵ va⁵
wa⁵ va⁵
wa⁵ vɛ⁶
wɛ⁶ we⁵
† Sui data from Zeng Xiaoyu 1994:67. ‡ The Chinese
畫 means ‘to paint’ or ‘to draw’; Kam [
we⁵] also means ‘to paint’.
4.3.3 Unique tonal developments in Southern Sui