Shared tonal developments in Pandong, Western, Yang’an Sui and Kam

processes. 3 With these words, as with words showing yīn- yáng tone alternations, Yang’an Sui is entirely consistent with Kam in the development of its tone categories.

4.3.2 Shared tonal developments in Pandong, Western, Yang’an Sui and Kam

There are several words with nasal onsets which bear yáng tones in Pandong and Western Sui vernaculars. Most of these words also bear yáng tones in Yang’an dialect and Kam, whereas they bear yīn tones in Central, Southern and Eastern Sui dialects. Examples are given in table 4.6, along with words with similar onsets for which only Yang’an Sui and Kam share yáng tones. These words are probably the best candidates for sesquisyllabic forms in Proto-Kam-Sui. A PKS m ə- prefix for some words possibly originating in PKS mai B ‘wood, tree’ for ‘to plant’ pra A , ‘ear of grain’ praːŋ A , ‘chicken flea’ praːi A , ‘vine’ kjaːu A cf. Southern Kam spoken in Sixi, Rongshui county ‘vine’ kjaːu¹; see chapter 5, section 5.2.3.1 and ‘scissors’ kjiu A suggested reconstructions ours would neatly account for the Pandong and Western correspondences. For the former three words, the m ə- prefix has merged with the following onset cluster via syncope; for the latter two, the prefix has also undergone syncope in Pandong and Western Sui and Yang’an and Kam for ‘scissors’ but has been lost entirely in the rest of Sui. These sound changes are unlikely to have occurred independently in two different locations and thus provide our first solid evidence for a historical link between Pandong dialect and Western Sui dialects spoken in Tingpai TP, Tangzhou TZ and Antang AT. 4 3 Sporadic tone category “jumps” are rare. A couple of other examples: ‘to warm by a fire’ pʰjaːu⁵ Pandong dialect, pʰjaːu¹ all other dialects; and ‘clf. for person’ ʔai¹ Southern subdialect, ʔai³ all other dialects 4 Our three Western Sui data points probably represent a large number of speakers, since our own observations, Stanford’s 2007, 2011 previous research and James Wei’s 2011 thesis indicate that Hengfeng, Shuilong and Dahe speech is far closer to these dialects than to the Central dialects of Sandong, Zhonghe and Zhouqin. Table 4.6. More yīn-yáng tone alternations in Sui on words with nasal onset components yīn and yáng tones are divided by double lines Sandong Pandong Yang’an Gloss PKS SD JQ TP West- ern PD JL BL TN Kam ‘mist’ muk D mɔn¹ mɔːn¹ mun¹ mɔɐn¹ mɔn¹ mun² mun² mun² ‘hand’ k-mja A mja¹ mja¹ miːa¹ mia¹ miɛ¹ mja² mja² mja² ‘to plant tree’ mpra A ᵐbja¹ ᵐbja¹ miːa² mia² miɛ² mja² mja² mja² ‘ear of grain’ mpraːŋ A ᵐbjaːŋ¹ ᵐbjaːŋ¹ mjaːŋ² mjaŋ² mjaŋ² mjaːŋ² mjaːŋ² mjeŋ² ‘chicken flea’† - ᵐbjaːi¹ ᵐbjaːi¹ SL mjaːi⁵ mjaːi² JC - - - - ‘vine’ - jaːu¹ jaːu¹ mjaːu² mjaːu² mjaːu² ȶaːu¹ jaːu¹ ȶau¹ ‘scissors’ - jiːu¹ jiu¹ miu² miu² miu² miu² miu² miu² ‘water’ ȵam C nɐm³ nɐm³ nam³ nam³ nam³ nɐm⁴ nam⁴ nam⁴ ‘silt’ - naːm⁵ - - - - - - naːm⁶ ‘bronze drum’ - ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn¹ ȵaːn² - ‘to scrub clothes’ - ȵuːt⁷ ȵuːt⁷ ȵuːt⁷ ȵʉət⁷ ȵuət⁷ - - ȵut⁸ † Data from Zeng 2004 and author’s own field notes. Thurgood suggests k-mja A for ‘hand’. Pittayaporn 2009 suggests Proto-Tai C̬.nam C for ‘water’ and Norquest 2007 suggests Proto-Hlai C-n əmʔ for ‘water’ and C-mɯː for ‘hand’. 5 We propose a similar solution, C.N- for ‘mist’, ‘hand’, ‘water’, ‘bronze drum’ and ‘to scrub’, although reflexes for the latter three words are puzzling considering reverse tone alternations in words with similar onsets in table 4.4. Three words with related onsets, ‘to wash hands’, ‘to raise’ and ‘night’, have yīn tones in Kam, Yang’an Sui, Pandong Sui and barring ‘night’ Tingpai TP, whereas they have yáng tones in Southern, Eastern and Central dialect areas see table 4.7. Unless a presyllable is reconstructed in the proto language for these three words for example PKS C̬.s- or C.z-, an unlikely sequence of sound changes must have taken place to account for the tone alternations. Regarding ‘night’, note that PKS s- or z- t-tj- is a well attested sound change in Mulam see Ferlus 1996:260–261. 5 Norquest 2007:268 suggests that the Proto-Southern-Kra-Dai form for these types of correspondences was a sesquisyllable with a voiced presyllable. In Pre-Hlai, he conjectures that these “devoiced, becoming voiceless and conditioning high register” but “conditioned low register in Proto-Be and Proto-South-Western-Tai.” Table 4.7. PKS z- and related onsets y īn and yáng tones are divided by double lines Sandong Pandong Yang’an Gloss PKS SD JQ TP West- ern PD JL TN BL Kam ‘ripe’ zuk D sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔːk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔɐk⁸ sɔːk⁸ tsɔk⁸ ɕok⁸ ‘to wash hands’ zuːk D sʊk⁸ sʊk⁸ zok⁷ jok⁷ zɔɐk⁷ zʊk⁷ tsʊk⁷ ɕuk⁹ ‘to raise’ - sɜi⁶ - zɜi⁵ - - zɜi⁵ tsɜi⁵ - ‘night’ - saːn² saːn² saːn² - - tjaːn¹ tjaːn¹ ȶaːn¹ ‘to dry’ - sa⁵ za⁵ sa⁵ ja⁵ za⁵ sa⁵ sa⁵ ɕa⁵ ‘to wipe’ - sək⁷ sjək⁷ sək⁷ sək⁷ sɔɐk⁷ sək⁷ tsʊk⁷ ɕək⁷ ‘Sui’ - sui³ sui³ sui³ sui³ sui³ sui³ sui³ ɕui³ Finally, we found a limited number of old Chinese loanwords for which Yang’an Sui and sometimes Pandong Sui and Kam has developed different yīn-yáng registers than all other Sui dialects. These are given in table 4.8. They indicate either that the Chinese words were borrowed at different times or that the Great Tone Split occurred at a different point in time relative to respective onset developments in the various dialects. Table 4.8. Tone alternations on Chinese loanwords words bearing yáng tones shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Gloss Source charac- ter EMC SD DJ JQ JL PD TN BL Kam ‘tendon’† 筋 kin A jən¹ - - jan¹ - ŋɡən² - ʔən¹ ‘to count’ 計 kɛj C jei⁵ jɜi⁵ jei⁵ ŋei⁶ ŋai⁶ ɣɜi⁶ ŋɡei⁶ jai⁶ ‘to call’ 叫 kɛw C ju⁵ ju⁵ ju⁵ ju⁵ ŋaːu⁶ ku⁶ ku⁶ - ‘to write’‡ 畫 ɣwaɨj C va⁵ va⁵ wa⁵ va⁵ wa⁵ vɛ⁶ wɛ⁶ we⁵ † Sui data from Zeng Xiaoyu 1994:67. ‡ The Chinese 畫 means ‘to paint’ or ‘to draw’; Kam [ we⁵] also means ‘to paint’.

4.3.3 Unique tonal developments in Southern Sui