PKS -i-, - Rimes

Table 5.51. PKS - uːn. Words with o nuclei are shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Western Southern Gloss SD TZ TP JQ SY JL BL ‘to sleep’ nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² nun² ‘thorn’ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ ⁿdun¹ sun¹ ‘to vomit’ kun⁵ kun⁵ kun⁵ kun⁵ - - kun⁵ - ‘maggot’ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ ʔnun¹ nɔn¹ nun¹ nun¹ ‘stool, bench’ ʔun¹ ʔun¹ ʔun¹ ʔŋɔːn¹ - ȵɔn¹ pun¹ pun¹ † ‘monkey’ m ɔn⁶ mun⁶ muːɐn⁶ mɔːn⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ mun⁶ ‘mist, fog’ m ɔn¹ mun¹ mun¹ m ɔːn¹ mun¹ mɔn¹ mun² mun² ‘fist’ ȶɔn² ȶun² ȶun² ȶuɐn² ȶun² ȶɔn² ȶun² ȶun² ‘to extend’ ɕɔn⁴ ɕun⁴ ɕun⁴ ɕuɐn⁴ - - hun⁴ - ‘hat’ ȵɔn⁴ - ȵɔːn⁴ ȵuɐn⁴ - - ȵuɔn⁴ - ‘first, before’ k ɔn⁵ qun⁵ kuːɐn⁵ kɔːn⁵ koən⁵ kun⁵ q ʊn⁵ ʔun⁵, kun⁵ ‘to be willing’ ȵɔn⁶ ȵɔːn⁶ ȵuːɐn⁶ ȵuɐn⁶ ȵʉən⁶ ȵun⁶ ȵuɔn⁶ ȵon⁶ ‡ ‘to go for a walk’ q ɔn⁶ q ɔːn⁶ qɔːn⁶ - - - q ɔːn⁶ - † Means ‘pillow’ in Kam. ‡ Southern Kam only.

5.4.8 PKS -i-, -

ə- and -a- partial mergers conditioned by palatals In closed syllables, a common phenomenon is for PKS - ə ours to raise to -i when preceded by palatal or palatalised onsets. This often results in a merger with i, which is shortened from iː to [i] or [ɪ], and is sometimes combined with a loss of palatalisation on the onset. Some examples from SY are given in table 5.52. This especially appears to happen among younger speakers, regardless of which dialect they speak. Therefore it does not provide any historical basis for subgrouping Sui dialects. These data also show that Pandong dialect and TP have undergone a partial merger of -j əC with - jaC compare ‘to fly’ PKS pwj ən C vjan³ TP with ‘dream’ PKS pwjan A vjan¹ TP. Some more examples: ‘short’ PKS thr ən C ⁿdjan³ PD, JL, TP, ⁿdjən³ elsewhere; ‘to wring’ PKS ʔbjət D ʔbjat TP, ᵐbjat⁷ PD, ʔbjət⁷ elsewhere; and ‘seven’ PKS tsʰjət D ɕat⁷ TP, hjat⁷ PD, JL, ɕət⁷ elsewhere. Table 5.52. PKS -j ə- and -i- mergers in SY indicated by double lines; -j ə- and -ja- mergers in TP and Pandong shaded in grey Gloss PKS ours SD Central SY Southern TP Western PD Pandong ‘yoke’ ʔit D ʔiːt⁷ ʔit⁷ ʔiːt⁷ ʔit⁷ ‘one’ ʔjət D ʔjɪt⁷ ʔit⁷ ʔjat⁷ jat⁷ ‘to exchange’ hlik D liːk⁷ lik⁷ liːk⁷ ljik⁷ ‘strength’ lj ək D l ɪk⁸ lik⁷ ljek⁸ lj ək⁸ ‘porcupine’ ʔbin C ʔbin³ ʔbin³ ʔbin³ ᵐbin³ ‘to fly’ pwj ən C vj ɪn³ vjin³ vjan³ vjen³ ‘to hurt’ kjit D ȶiːt⁷ ȶit⁷ ȶiːt⁷ ȶit⁷ ‘to sweep’ tsr ət D tj ɪt⁷ tjit⁷ JR tjat⁷ tjat⁷ In section 5.3, we observed that diphthongisation of long vowels after palatalised and labialised onsets occurs both in TP, AT and Pandong dialects. Viewed together, then, these rime innovations suggest a historical link between TP and Pandong dialects, even though some onset innovations in particular, loss of preglottalisation and transfer of nasalisation from voiceless nasal onset to rime indicate that Pandong should be grouped with Eastern Sui. Some common tonal developments see chapter 4, section 4.3.2 also indicate a historical link between Western and Pandong dialects. If Pandong and Western Sui truly descended from a common ancestor dialect, the loss of preglottalisation and voiceless nasals must have been a later innovation which spread across the northern Sui region e.g., Pandong and Eastern Sui areas. Furthermore, the [24] realisation of Tone 6 see chapter 4, section 4.6.1 must almost certainly have been a later sound change which possibly diffused across the Western Sui region under the influence of Yang’an dialect.

5.5 Phonetic variation