PKS -w- clusters Onsets

5.2.4 PKS -w- clusters

Shared innovations in PKS -w- onset clusters provide solid evidence for grouping Yang’an with Kam and for subgrouping the four Southern Sui lects into their own cluster distinct from the rest of Sandong dialect. A common development in non-Yang’an Sui is for PKS -w- clusters to have merged with their corresponding fricative series via lenition. Southern Sui has undergone further lenition with xw- w- cf. Central Sui f- and pw- v- w-. Kam and Yang’an Sui in particular BL have lost the medial - w- and the subsequent onsets have merged with plain voiceless stops. Liang and Zhang 1996 reconstruct PTK pw- or bw- for almost all words in this section, but their proposed onset voicing does not always match the tones in Kam-Sui due to different tone reflexes in the Tai branch. pu- bu- f-, as seen in many of these words, is a well attested sound change in Chinese, for example 方 ‘direction’ EMC puaŋ A faːŋ¹ Mandarin, fɔːŋ¹ Cantonese; 逢 ‘to meet’ EMC buawŋ A f ɤŋ² Mandarin, fuŋ² Cantonese; etc. However, Liang and Zhang’s reconstruction does not account either for contrasting p- and f- reflexes within Yang’an Sui and Kam or for contrasting f- and v- reflexes within Sandong and Pandong Sui. 5.2.4.1 PKS kʰw-, xw-, ɣw- These proto onsets see considerable variation when they occur with yīn tones see table 5.19 and less variation when occurring with yáng tones see table 5.20. PKS kʰw- has merged with f- or its equivalent in all Sui dialects note that ‘pine’ has an unexpected reflex in Kam, pʰaːk⁹, and ‘tired’ seems to have been reconstructed incorrectly, see Castro, 2011. PKS xw- has merged with plain bilabial stops in Yang’an Sui and Kam, voiceless fricatives in Central, Western, Eastern and Pandong Sui and voiced fricatives in Southern Sui. Zeng 1994 generally reconstructs Thurgood’s PKS kʰw- and xw- as PS pj- yīn tones and PKS ɣw- as PSbj- yáng tones. Thurgood’s PKS xw- and ɣw- square better with Mulam kw- reflexes for the words such as ‘rain’ kw ən¹ and ‘bamboo’ kwan¹ in table 5.19. Liang and Zhang 1996 reconstruct the PTK etymon for ‘millet’ as plw ɯaŋ C . ‘Cloud’ Northern Kam kwa³ is possibly an ancient Chinese loanword from 雨 ‘rain’ OC C. ɡʷaʔ Baxter and Sagart 2011. Table 5.19. Sandong Sui f- yīn tones. Stop initials indicated by double lines, voiced initials shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Eastern Southern Gloss PKS SD DJ JQ SY PD JL TN BL ‘maple’ - fu¹ - fu¹ - hiu¹ - - - - ‘kerchief’ - - fja³ ɸja³ fa³ hia³ fiɛ³ fja³ - - ‘pine’ - faːk⁷ faːk⁷ faːk⁷ faːk⁷ hwaːk⁷ faːʔ⁷ faːk⁷ fwaːk⁷ pʰaːk⁹ ‘wide’ † khwa ːŋ C fa ːŋ³ - fa ːŋ³ - hwa ːŋ³ - faːŋ³ - kʰwaːŋ³ ‘sweet’ k hwaːn A faːn¹ - faːn¹ faːn¹ - - - - kʰwaːn¹ ‘delayed’ khwe A fɛ¹ fɛ¹ fɛ¹ fɛ¹ - fæ¹ fɛ¹ fɛ¹ we¹ ‘tired’ khwe C fe³ fɛ³ we³ wɛ³ - - - - - ‘right’ hwa A fa¹ fa¹ hwa¹ hwa¹ wa¹ va¹ fa¹ fw a¹ wa¹ ‘cloud’ m-xwa C fa³ fa³ wa³ wa³ hwa³ fa³ fa³ fwa³ ma³ ‘palm’ phwa C - - wa³ wa³ hwa³ - - - pa³ ‘to feel’ - fjaːm⁵ fjaːm⁵ ɸjaːm⁵ vjaːm⁵ - - pjaːm⁵ fjaːm⁵ pjaːm⁵ ‘pod’ xwak D ‡ fɐk⁷ fak⁷ wɐk⁷ wɐk⁷ hwak⁷ fɐk⁷ pak⁷ - pak⁷ ‘rain’ xwin A fən¹ fən¹ wən¹ wən¹ hwən¹ fən¹ pjen¹ pjɪn¹ pjən¹ ‘bamboo’ xwan A fɐn¹ fan¹ wɐn¹ wɐn¹ hwən¹ fɐn¹ pan¹ pɐn¹ pan¹ ‘millet’ - fjaːŋ³ fjaːŋ³ pjaːŋ³ pjaːŋ³ hiəŋ³ fiəŋ³ pjaːŋ³ pjaːŋ³ pjaːŋ³ † Zeng 2004. PKS is ours. ‡ PKS ours, along the lines of Thurgood see Castro 2011. PKS xw’s voiced counterpart ɣw- has lost its voicing in all Sui dialects including Southern see table 5.20. Thus Southern Sui exhibits the unlikely phenomenon of voiceless f- bearing yáng tones and voiced w- bearing yīn tones. Table 5.20. Sandong Sui f- yáng tones. Stop initials indicated by double lines Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Eastern Southern Gloss PKS SD DJ JQ SY PD JL TN BL ‘to say’ - fɐn² fan² fɐn² fɐn² hwan ² fɐn² fan² fɐn² - ‘goat’ † - fa² fa² hwa² fa² huə² fɯə² - - - ‘elder sister’ - fe² fɛ² fɛ² fɛ² ȶe⁶ fæ² - - pwa²‡ ‘elder brother’§ ɣwaːi C faːi⁴ faːi⁴ hwaːi⁴ faːi⁴ hwaːi⁴ faːi⁴ tjaːi⁴ tjaːi⁴ ȶaːi⁴ ‘chaff’ - fa⁶ fa⁶ hwa⁶ pja⁶ huə⁶ fɯə⁵ pa⁶ pa⁶ pa⁶ ‘crucian carp’ - fiːt⁸ fiːk⁸ ɸiːk⁸ fik⁸ fit⁸ - piːk⁸ piːt⁸ pik⁸ † Yang’an Sui and Kam say lje³, not cognate with fa². ‡ Southern Kam Dayun, western Rongshui county. Most Kam dialects use the non-cognate word ȶaːi⁴ mjek⁹, literally ‘female elder sibling’. § In Yang’an Sui and Kam, tjaːi⁴ is a general word for elder sibling. In some places it means ‘elder sister’ and faːi⁴ is retained for ‘elder brother’ tjaːi⁴ is also used to refer to an older cousin of either sex. The tj- onset is unexpected and indicates an alveolar or palatal element in PKS. 5.2.4.2 PKS pw- , pʰw- As shown in table 5.21, PKS pw- has lost the labial offglide and merged with plain bilabial stops in Kam and BL Yang’an. Our data from TN and LW show that other Yang’an areas have undergone lenition pw- v- in common with the rest of Sui. However PKS pw’s aspirated counterpart pʰw- has merged with aspirated stops in all the Yang’an data points. There is a general tendency for v to be pronounced w- in Southern Sui areas, but this does not constitute strong evidence for a CentralSouthern Sui dialect division, because w- has been observed among some speakers in other Sui areas. RL Eastern Sui consistently had w- for most of these words. The even-numbered tones on ‘to toss away’ and ‘top’ are unusual for this onset and probably occur only because these are onomatopoeic words which did not descend from proto forms with labialised stop onsets. Table 5.21. Sandong Sui v-. Stop initials indicated by double lines, words with approximant onsets shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Eastern Southern Gloss PKS SD DJ JQ SY PD JL TN BL ‘rice grass’ mpwaːŋ A vaːŋ¹ vaːŋ¹ w aːŋ¹ waːŋ¹ waːŋ¹ vaːŋ¹ vaːŋ¹ paːŋ¹ paːŋ¹ ‘leaf’ pwa B va⁵ va⁵ wa⁵ wa⁵ wa⁵ va⁵ va⁵ pa⁵ pa⁵ ‘seed’ pwan A vɐn¹ - wɐn¹ wɐn¹ - - van¹ pɐn¹ pan¹ ‘fire’ pwai A vi¹ vi¹ ɥi¹ vi¹ ɥi¹ vi¹ vi¹ pəi¹ pui¹ ‘dream’ pwjan A vjaːn¹ vjɜn¹ vjɐn¹ vjɜn¹ vjen¹ vjɜn¹ vjen¹ pjɜn¹ pjan¹ ‘tooth’ pwjan A vjɜn¹ vjɜn¹ - - vjen¹ vjɜn¹ vjen¹ pjɜn¹ pjan¹ ‘tall’ - vaːŋ¹ vaːŋ¹ waːŋ¹ waːŋ¹ vuəŋ¹ vuəŋ¹ pʰaːŋ¹ pʰaːŋ¹ pʰaːŋ¹ ‘ashes’ phwuːk D vʊk⁷ vʊk⁷ vʊk⁷ ɣʊk⁷ vok⁷ vuɐk⁷ pʰʊp⁷ pʰuk⁷ pʰuk⁹ ‘day’ hŋwan A vɐn¹ van¹ wɐn¹ wɐn¹ wan¹ vɐn¹ van¹ pɐn¹ man¹† ‘to fly’ - vjɪn³ vjɪn³ vjɪn³ vjin³ vjen³ vjɜn³ vjen³ vjɪn³ pən³ ‘to smear’ - vjaːt⁷ vjaːt⁷ vjaːt⁷ vjaːt⁷ - - - - ȶaːt⁹ ‘to toss’ - vət⁸ vət⁸ vət⁸ wət⁸ wət⁸ vət⁸ vət⁸ vət⁸ pʰjit⁹ ‘top game’ - vu⁴ vu⁴ vu⁴ - - - v u⁴ vu⁴ ɕa¹ † Baojing Northern Kam pronunciation is pan¹. 5.2.4.3 PKS kw-, ɡw- These onsets have merged with q- in Southern Sui and p- in all other Sui dialects as well as standard Southern Kam, Maonan and Then, providing further grounds for a Southern Sui subgrouping. Correspondences are given in table 5.22. Mak and Ai-Cham exhibit k- for ‘leg’ and ‘horn’ and ȶ- for ‘to sell’. The word for ‘ox’ is given by way of comparison, consistently showing mo⁴ in Southern Sui but po⁴ elsewhere, perhaps due to a former nasal prefix in the Southern Sui area. This is the only word we have found that has a p- m- alternation. Table 5.22. PKS ɡw-, kw-. Uvular stops indicated by double lines, m- shaded in grey Sandong Pandong Yang’an Kam Central Eastern Southern English PKS SD DJ JQ SY JL BL ‘to sharpen’ ɡwan A † pɐn² pan² pɐn² pɐn² pɐn² pɐn² pan² ‘dove’ ɡwau A pɔu² pou² qɐu² qɐu² pau² pɐu² pəu² ‘leg’ kwa A pa¹ pa¹ qa¹ qa¹ pa¹ pa¹ pa¹ ‡ ‘to sell’ kwe A pɛ¹ pɛ¹ qɛ¹ qɛ¹ pæ¹ pɛ¹ pe¹ ‡ ‘horn’ m- kwaːu A paːu¹ paːu¹ qaːu¹ qaːu¹ paːu¹ paːu¹ paːu¹ ‡ ‘ox’ - pɔ⁴ pɔ⁴ mo⁴ mo⁴ pɔ⁴ pɔ⁴ - † The Mulam for ‘to sharpen’, kwan², leads Thurgood to this etymon. Data for Southern Sui indicates a different Proto-Kam-Sui onset. ‡ Northern Kam Baojing, Zhenyuan county realises these onsets as q-; some other Kam varieties show k-, kw- or w-. The authors have found two other words exhibiting the p- q- alternation: ‘to praise’ qau³ Southern, pau³ Central; and ‘small bamboo shoot’ qau¹ Southern, pau¹ Central Li Fang-kuei 2008:147. Words with similar rimes such as ‘silkworm’ qaːu³ and ‘to look at’ qau⁵ have uvular onsets in all Sui dialects. Li Fang-kuei 1965:156 suggests a series of labialised post-velars in Proto-Kam-Sui to explain this p- q- alternation. Zeng 1994:26–28 proposes pq- or pk- for Proto-Sui or possibly a pre-syllable p-, thus p-k- or p-q-, citing ancient Chinese rhyming books which indicate that a similar sound could have existed in Old Chinese, for example 鬓 ‘hair on the temples’, 绠 ‘well-rope’, 鴔 ‘hoopoe’, 駮 ‘piebald horse’ and 皀 ‘kernel’. Zhengzhang Shangfeng 郑张尚芳 and Pan Wuyun 潘悟云 reconstruct Old Chinese p-q- and pk- respectively for the latter two characters. 8 Pittayaporn 2009 suggests the same solution in his recent reconstruction of Proto-Tai, for example Proto-Tai p.qa: A ‘leg’ and p.qa:j D ‘to sell’. In a later publication, Zeng 2004:53 revised her Proto-Sui reconstruction for these words to q-, claiming that there is little evidence for an earlier p- pre-syllable because cognates for these words exhibit a single initial k- in almost all Taic languages. She says that the k-p- alternation in Kam and Sui dialects is the result of a sporadic sound change which occasionally occurred in Sino-Tibetan languages when there was lip rounding on the rhyme. A more appealing reconstruction is Thurgood’s PKS kw- and Liang and Zhang’s PTK xkw- as lip-rounding could cause a p- reflex, although the strong likelihood of a series of uvular stops in PKS see sections 5.2.5.2, 5.2.5.3 and 5.2.7.2 makes Zeng’s original hypothesis of PKS p.q- equally attractive.

5.2.5 PKS stop-lateral