look for the texts dealing with rebu in Karonese society. Secondly, the rebu texts contain polite and specific culture-bound terms. The researcher uses this term
because rebu texts are quite specific and bound the elements of Karonese society in their daily life. Thirdly, the ST had to contain specific structures in Karonese
language, that, when translated, would potentially require adherents of rebu to use the cultural term dealing with its structure. Finally, the source texts had to be
available in Karonese language and Indonesian language, as Pym 2010 states, that source texts contain more than one language and culture and link to one goal.
He emphasizes the goal is the target text in the process of translating. However, due to differences between two cultures semantic equivalence is
limited to some degree. For those specific culture-bound terms and expressions do not have their equivalences in the TL. For example, daliken si telu or rakut si
telu is well-known in Karonese society, but they are not in the TL. There are no references for kalimbubu, senina or anakberu found in English, and each of them
does not convey anything about kinds of kalimbubu, senina or anakberu. When they are translated they might be misleading, because there are some specific
responsibilities, concepts and functions for each of them. In translating a cultural text, such as a rebu text, some specific culture- bound terms, such as tutur
siwaloh, daliken si telu, mukul, which were just borrowed from the rebu texts in transferring the message from SL into TL.
3.7.1 Data description
A total of three texts were selected in the process of translating the SL into the TL. They are mukul persadaan tendi, rebu pada masyarakat Karo and data
from participant observations. The rationale for selecting three texts from two different areas is to obtain the adequacy and scope of the cultural texts of rebu in
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Karonese society and analyze the form of the texts within the theme of clauses. The marked and unmarked themes in these three texts display the starting point of
the message of rebu texts and the specific culture-bound terms in Karonese society.
3.7.2 Analysis of textual data
To understand rebu in Karonese society the researcher had to find out how the participants reacted to the action of rebu. One way of gaining data from
people who practice rebu is to capture their talk and spoken words, and turn it into text by the researcher, in the field notes. A video camera was used to capture the
participants who practice rebu in Karonese society naturally, to obtain the specific structures, culture-bound terms, the polite linguistics and culture.
After collecting the data, the researcher began to analyze it using the theories to answer the research questions. The data was coded by identifying the
themes, patterns and cultural context. The text was numbered clause by clause, followed by an English translation in the next column of the ST and the ideational
or topical themes were classified according to whether they were unmarked or marked themes.
The researcher coded, identified and categorized patterns found in the data.
Table 3.1. Data selection No
Areas Topic
1 Persadaan Tendimukul
Ngobah tutur, starting of rebu in Karonese families
2 Rebu in Karonese society
Participants and kinds of rebu 3
Dalikan si telu rakut si telu Kinship
relationship ,
politeness
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The researcher accomplished participant observation alone by observing, participating, and practicing of rebu
in the study of Karonese society’s daily activities. The
participant observation took place in the researcher’s house and at the weddings, because he believed these locations were relevant to the research
questions. The researcher approached participants in their own environment and had the participants come to
the researcher’s house. He observed what rebu is like and how the participants practiced rebu. He made careful, objective notes about
what he saw, and recorded all accounts and observations as field notes in a notebook.
Participant observation was also useful for gaining an understanding of the appearance, politeness and cultural contexts of rebu participants. He interacted
with people socially outside of a controlled research environment, such as at a public meeting place, wedding, religious gathering or market. If casual
conversation gave way to more substantive discussion of the research topic, he disclosed his identity, affiliation and purpose.
Participant observation was done individually, and at different locations. The notes and recordings were found from these participants. From these notes
and recordings, they support the rebu texts to construct a more complete picture of the issues being studied. Participant observation was done at the end of the data
collection phase, and theme analysis of the data and the method and procedures were applied to answer the research questions. Unscheduled participant
observation occurred any time when the participants of rebu were interacting with each other. For example, he talked to his rebu at a bus stop while he was waiting
for a bus, or observed interactions between people at a wedding attended by dalikan si telu or sangkep si telu. The researcher always carried his notebook and
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a pen so that he could take advantage of spontaneous opportunities without relying completely on memory.
The researcher focused directly on observing behaviors and other factors that were most relevant to the research questions. Participant observation data
consists of field notes recorded in notebooks. These data are records of what the researcher experienced, and what he learned through interaction with his rebu.
Field notes included how participants of rebu behaved and reacted, what was said in conversation, physical gestures. Field notes were written discreetly during
participant observation. Video recordings of participant observation are generally not permissible
when practicing rebu in Karonese society. There were three participant observation steps, which are :
1 The researcher visited his father’s brother. He went there with his wife. The
researcher’s father’s brother is his wife’s bengkila ‘father in law’. She is rebu with his bengkila. The practicing of rebu
was held naturally in the researcher’s father’s brother’s house. He wrote the rebu dialog to be the data.
The participants of rebu were observed among mami and kela, bengkila
and permen, turangku and turangku. The amount of mami and kela, bengkila and permen, turangku and turangku are relative, for examples mami, depend
on the number of Ego’s father in law’s brothers’ wives. Ego’s wife’s mother’s sisters and Ego’s mother-in-law’s brothers’ wives. When the researcher’s
rebu came to his house, he made notes of practicing rebu of the participants. 2
The participants of rebu in Karonese society were found somewhere and rebu were practiced naturally. The practicing of rebu occurred in the wedding
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ceremonies because the participants of the party were daliken si telu or rakut si telu.
The data were found from participant observation which provided information about the part
icipants’ expression of rebu, and family interactions.
3.7.3 Strategies for data analysis
