ceremonies because the participants of the party were daliken si telu or rakut si telu.
The data were found from participant observation which provided information about the part
icipants’ expression of rebu, and family interactions.
3.7.3 Strategies for data analysis
There are three ways strategies for analyzing qualitative data and their importance. Qualitative data analysis consists of identifying, reducing and
categorizing patterns found in the data. Firstly, the data displays were analyzed to determine the themes of SL and TL. The researcher described the marked and the
unmarked themes of clauses of both sources. Secondly, the data displays were evaluated to find out the specific culture- bound terms in the ST and translate
them into English. The same data were examined to obtain the linguistic and cultural politeness and compare both data by using contrastive analysis. The
practice of rebu was also supporting data as the centre of conversational analysis in this study.
In the process of translating, the researcher paid very careful attention to both form and meaning in the rebu texts in order to transfer the meaning and
forms into English. The researcher saw what made sense and what did not. When his comprehension in the SLFL did not make sense to him, he went into the
details of the language. The clauses were identified, to understand which sub- clause levels, such as themes or cultural issues, covered the research questions of
this study. Translating ST into English requires thorough comprehension of the original text first.
The researcher read the SL texts and used SFL to find out the marked and unmarked themes of the SL clauses. The SL was translated by using translation
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strategies to transfer the messages of the culture-bound terms and politeness in the rebu texts. The researcher read cultural texts of rebu, such as mukul, rebu pada
masyarakat Karo, and dialog of rebu from participation observation identifying the texts and analyzing them according to each marked and unmarked themes of
the clauses, then transferring the meaning of the ST into the TT. The researcher as the translator not only identified the SLFL linguistic system but also found the
non-linguistic conceptual knowledge, e.g. politeness and culture-bound terms. Translating from an SL into a TL also provides opportunities for the
translator, not only to comprehend the language that is to extract messages from the text, but also to get the experience of the language used culturally in both
languages. In the process of translating, there was the study of the culture and society to which the SLFL belongs. The act of translating requires analyzing how
people communicate in each different language and culture. The first theory used in this study was introduced by Nida and Taber 1982,
who explained that the process of translation consists of 1 analysis, 2 transfer and 3 restructuring.
Nida and Taber’s translation process theory was adapted by Arbogast 2008 to involve three phases: interrelated reception, transfer and
reproduction phases. It is important to consider cultural implications for translation, because the two notions of culture and language appear to be
inseparable in the process of analyzing and transferring the meaning of SL texts into TTs. The researcher did not use literal translation in the process of translating
the SL into the TL. Hervey and Higgins 2002: 86-88 maintain that regarding cultural
translation and accepting literal translation mean that there in no cultural translation operation. There are obviously some obstacles bigger than linguistic
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ones. They are cultural obstacles and here a transposition in culture is needed. Literal translation was used in translating marked and unmarked themes of SL
clauses in this study as Hervey and Higgins explained, because there is an abundance of cultural terms in rebu texts. The researcher used transposition
translation because the problem of culture was more complicated than language structure. For example, there are different words to identify different kinds of
anakberu in the Karonese language. In English, people have no concept of anakberu, and there are no words to describe different kinds of anakberu.
Certain foods are prepared only during mukul, and such foods remind Karonese people that the groom has just finished wedding ceremony. This is
strange for English people, they do not have such way in their wedding
ceremony, so the translator found it hard to translate. Customs and tradition are part of a culture, and are difficult to translate
because of the different customs and traditions. For instance, in a Christian marriage, the exchange of kisses is part of the ceremony but in a Karonese
context, this is totally inappropriate. Beliefs and feelings change from culture to culture. The color white may represent purity and black may represent sadness in
the Karonese context, but it may not be the same in American English cultures. What are considered good numbers in Karonese culture are six and eleven, and
the payment of utang adat in traditional Karonese ceremonies usually ends in the number six, for example 86, 36. The number of six ‘enem’ in Karonese language
symbolizes ‘gelemna ulihna latih’, someone who will save his income. But, it is different for English, where an even or an odd number, may not symbolize the
same meaning as in Karonese culture. Another example, the Karonese language has different words for different types of rebu; in English there are no rebu.
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CHAPTER IV KARONESE SOCIETY